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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
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THE  GIFT  OF 

MAY  TREAT  MORRISON 

IN  MEMORY  OF 

ALEXANDER  F  MORRISON 


HISTORY  OF  OREGON 


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HISTORY  OF  OREGON 

THE   GROWTH    OF   AN 
AMERICAN  STATE 


BY 

HORACE  S.  LYMAN 


ASSOCIATE    BOARD    OF    EDITORS 

HARVEY  W.  SCOTT  CHARLES  B.  BELLINGER 

AND 

FREDERIC  G.  YOUNG 


VOLUME  ONE 


The  North  Pacific  Publishing  Society 
New  York 

MCMIII 


>  3    > 

>  )    > 


Copyright  1903 
Lewis  A.  Williams 

ALL    RIGHTS    RESERVED 


*  •  •  • 


«  «  • 


•  •  •         •  ■   •      • 


:  •    '    •        •    • 


Publication  Office 

136  Liberty  Street 

New  York,  N.  Y.,  U.  S.  A. 


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TO 

>  THOMAS  CONDON 

OF  THE   University   of   Oregon, 
P  Pioneer  of  Scientific  Research  on  the  Northwest  Coast, 

g  This  History  is  Dedicated  ; 

s 

NOT  A8  any  fitting  TRIBUTE  TO  HIS   WORK  IN  THIS   STATE, 
BUT   AS    SOME   ACKNOWLEDGMENT, 

r 

3  HOWEVER    SLIGHT, 

_2 

X  of   A   DEEPLY    INDEBTED    PUPIL. 


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SYNOPSIS   OF   CHAPTERS 

CHAPTER   I 
The  Land 41-56 

Extent  of  Territory— Topographical  Features 
—As  the  Coast  Looks  from  the  Ocean 
— Forested  Ranges — Siskiyous — Olympics — 
Interior  Valleys— The  Second  Mountain  Step 
—The  Continental  Basin— Sunrise  Across  the 
Rockies— Growth  and  Elevation  of  the  Land 
—Its  Part  in  Determining  the  History. 

CHAPTER    II 
First   Inhabitants 57-84 

The  Native  Indians— An  Important  Element 
in  the  History  of  Oregon— As  They  Ap- 
peared to  the  First  Explorers— Not  a  Decay- 
ing Race— Tribes  and  Families— Dispersion 
over  the  Territory— Industries  and  Arts- 
Languages  — Origin. 

CHAPTER   ni 
Indian  Ideas  As  Illustrated  by  Their  Myths,  85-118 

How  a  People  Acts  Is  Determined  by  What 
They  Think— Legendary  Lore  of  Indians  ver^^ 
Extensive— Stories  "  That  Last  All  Day  "— 
Specimens  from  Various  Tribes— The  Clat- 
sop Legend  of  Tallapus,  the  Coyote,  and  the 
Cedar  Tree— The  Chehalis  Story  of  Tsmpts- 
Tsmpts  and  the  Giant,  or  Cheatco— Spokane 
Story  of  Sinchaleep— The  Nez  Perce  Story  of 
the  Coyote  and  the  Monster  of  Kamiah— The 
Klamath  Story  of  the  Bear  and  the  Antelope. 

[Vol.  1] 


viii  THE    GROWTH   OF 

CHAPTER   IV 
Creation  Stories  of  the  Indians 119-160 

Falls  of  the  Willamette  and  the  Wonderful 
Boy— Falls  of  the  Klamath— Making  of  the 
Cascades  of  the  Columbia— Fire  Stories— 
Rocks  and  Caverns— Klamath  Version  of  Cre- 
ation of  Man— Rationale  of  Indian  M\i;hs. 

CHAPTER   V 
Indian  Traditions  of  the  First  White  Men 


161-178 


Recollections  of  Celiast,  Daughter  of  Ko- 
baiway— The  Initial  Point,  the  Mouth  of  the 
Columbia— Clatsop  Plains— Nekahni  Moun- 
tain—Neb  al  em  River— The  Treasure  Ship— 
A  Chest  Deposited  on  the  Mountain  Side,  with 
Murdered  Man— Wreck  of  the  Beeswax  Ship 
—White  Survivors  Killed— A  Possible  Sur- 
vivor of  the  Massacre— The  Lost  Ship  "  San 
Jose  "—Shipwreck  Near  the  Mouth  of  the  Co- 
lumbia-" Men,  Who  Yet  Are  Bears  "— Tlo- 
honipts— The  Bearded  Wliite  Man,  Konapee— 
Popcorn— Cash— Sote,  Mentioned  Afterwards 
by  Franchere — Date  of  Konapee 's  Shipwreck 
—Valuable  Results  to  the  Clatsops— WTio  Be- 
come a  Powerful  Tribe— Hold  the  Columbia 
River  Open  for  Trade  to  the  Dalles— Valuable 
Results  to  Civilization. 

CHAPTER    VI 
Energy  of  Spanish  Discoverers 179-192 

Best  Part  of  North  America  and  South 
America  Subjugated  Within  Fifty  Years— 


AN    AMERICAN    STATE  ix 


Motive  in  Discovery— In  Answer  to  Economic 
Need  of  the  World— Fell  Short  of  Oregon- 
Fernando  Cortez— Captain  General  of  New 
Spain— Grandee  of  Castile  and  Marquis  of 
Oaxaca— Expedition  to  Lower  California— 
Nuno  de  Guzman— Hurtado  de  Mendoza— 
Friar  Marcos— Cibola  and  the  Seven  Cities— 
Voyages  of  Cabrillo  and  Ferrelo  on  the  Ore- 
gon Coast. 


CHAPTER   VII 
The  Spanish   in  the  Pacific 193-218 

The  Route  to  Asia -The  Conquest  of  the 
Philippines— Friar  Urdanata's  Discovery  of 
True  Sailing  Route— Acapolco— Manila  and 
Macao— The  Pacific  a  *'  Spanish  Lake  "— 
Regulations  to  Insure  Perpetual  Control— 
North  Pacific  Coast  Neglected— Necessity  of 
Exploration  at  Length  Recognized— Philip 
II 's  Order  to  Monterey— Expedition  of  Viz- 
caino—Philip III— Aguilar's  Discovery- 
Cape  Blanco  Seen— First  Historical  Landing 
on  the  Oregon  Coast— Spanish  Quiescence; 
One  Hundred  and  Sixty  Years  Without  Fur- 
ther Discovery— Colonization  of  the  Calif or- 
nias— Jesuits  in  the  Lower  Section— Colon- 
ists in  the  Upper— San  Diego— Failure  at 
Monterey;  Supply  Ship  Lost— 1774- 79— 
Three  New  Expeditions— Juan  Perez— Bo- 
dega and  Heceta— First  Observation  of  the 
Columbia  River— Bodega  andMaurelle— Arte- 
aga— Reasons  for  Spanish  Failure  to  Occupy 
the  Land— Character  and  Government. 


THE    GROWTH    OF 


CHAPTER  Vin 

Romantic  Voyages  and  Pretended  Discover- 
ies  219-240 

Gaspar  Cortereal— Straits  of  Anian— Report 
of  Urdanata— Laderillo— Maldonado  Fonte's 
Story  of  Northern  Lakes  and  Passages— Juan 
de  Fuca— Michael  Lock's  Deposition— Influ- 
ence of  Such  Narratives  Upon  Literature— 
"  Dr.  Gulliver." 

CHAPTER    IX 
The  English  in  the   Pacific 241-272 

Demand  for  Free  Navigation— Early  Cham- 
pions of  Liberty  on  the  Seas— Queen  Eliza- 
beth—John Hawldns— Oxenham— Sir  Francis 
Drake-Great  Spoil-''  The  Golden  Hind  " 
—Strikes  Terror  to  the  Spanish- American 
Coasts— Return  Voyage— ''A  Fair  and  Good 
Bay  "—New  Albion— Thomas  Cavendish- 
Discoveries  in  the  North— Hudson— Baffin— 
The  Hudson's  Bay  Company— Two  Hundred 
Years  of  Quiescence — Triumph  of  England  in 
North  America— Fall  of  Quebec— Renewed 
Enterprises  in  the  Pacific— Byron— Wallis— 
Cook— Cook's  Last  Great  Voyage— Sights  the 
Oregon  Coast— Names  Cape  Flattery— Friend- 
ly Cove  —  Natives  —  Furs  —  Englishmen  in 
China  Trade— elames  Hanna— Meares  and 
Tipping— London  Company— Portlock  and 
Dixon— Duncan  and  Colnett— Berkeley  (Bar- 
clay)—Straits  of  Fuca  Discovered  1787— 
Meares  Sights  an  Inlet— Deception  Bay- 
Cape  Disappointment. 


AN    AMERICAN    STATE  xi 


CHAPTER   X 
Russia  in  the   Pacific 273-294 

The  Czar  of  Russia— His  Empire  an  Ex- 
panding Power— Slavic  Inertia,  Norse  Rest- 
lessness—Projects of  Peter  the  Great— Cath- 
arine I— Vitus  Bering,  Alexis  Tchirikof,  Mar- 
tin Spangberg  Discovers  the  Straits— Sec- 
ond Voyage— Return  and  Death  of  Bering- 
Fur  Trade  Prosecuted  by  Russians— Route 
Across  Asia— Catharine  II— Krenitzin  and 
Lavaschef— The  Poles— Seelikoff  and  Golikoff 
—Joseph  Billings— Hall  and  Sarytscef— Em- 
peror Paul— The  Russian- American  Company 
—New  Archangel— System  of  Despotism— 
Alexander  Baranoff— Voyage  of  Inspection  by 
Krusenstern—Resanoff— Attempt  to  Plant  a 
Grain  Producing  Colony  Near  the  Mouth  of 
the  Columbia— Russia  Claims  as  Far  South  as 
Mouth  of  Columbia. 

CHAPTER   XI 
The  Dutch  and  French  in  the  Pacific  .  .  295-306 

Hardy  Dutch  Navigators— Le  Maire  and  Van 
Schouten  Discover  Cape  Horn— Tasman  in 
the  South  Sea— French  Propinquity— Land 
Expeditions— Voyage  of  La  Perouse— Off  the 
Oregon  Coast— A  Royal  Expedition  and  Fail- 
ure. 

CHAPTER   XII 
First  Movements  Westward  by  Land  .  .  .  307-326 

Reports  of  Indians  of  the  River  of  the  West 

— Moncachtabe's   Story— Jonathan   Carver— 

Travels  into  the  Region  of  the  *'  Mesorie  "— 
rvoi.  1] 


xii  GROWTH  OF  AN  AMERICAN  STATE 

"  The  Four  Most  Capital  Rivers  of  America  '^ 
— ''  The  Oregon  "—Where  Did  the  Name 
Originate!— Efforts  of  British  Fur  Companies 
— Hearne's  Expedition— Alexander  Macken- 
zie—England's Expectation  to  Secure  the  Ter- 
ritory Through  Commercial  Occupation. 

CHAPTER   XIII 
Final  Step  in  British  Discovery 327-368 

Voyage  of  Captain  George  Vancouver— Con- 
ditions Making  the  Voyage  Advisable— Tan- 
gled Threats— Fears  and  Efforts  of  the  Span- 
ish—Growth  of   the    Fur    Trade— American 
Vessels   in   the    Pacific— Reports    of   Ameri- 
can   Discoveries— Vancouver    Sails— Equip- 
ment—Arrival  off  the  Coast  of  Oregon— Pros- 
perous Journey  Northward— Clear  Observa- 
tions—Off the  Columbia  River— Conclusions 
—Delightful  Voyage  up  the  Coast  of  Washing- 
ton—Mt.    Olympus    Sighted— Captain    Gray 
Met— Enters   the    Straits   of   Fuca— Up   the 
Straits— Magnificent   Scenery— A    Snow-cap- 
ped Mountain  Sighted  and  Named  for  Baker— 
Up  the  Canal— Up  the  Sound— Admiralty  In- 
let Named— Natives— A   Stupendous   Moun- 
tain-Named Ranier— Still  Another  Mountain 
Southward— Sails  Around  and  Names  Van- 
couver's Island— Departs  for  California— At- 
tempts to  Enter  the  Columbia— Br oughton's 
Examination  of  the  Columbia  River— Reaches 
a  Point  100  Miles  Interior— Sights  and  Names 
a  Magnificent  Conical  Mountain  for  Admiral 
Hood— Broughton's  Conclusions. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Mount  Hood Frontispiece 

Indian  Village  at  the  Entrance  of  Bute's  Canal Facing  page     60 

A  Chinook  Lodge Facing  page     70 

Cheslake's  Village  in  Johnstone's   Straits Facing  page     80 

The  Cascades  of  the  Columbia  Kiver Facing  page  132 

Carta   Marina,  1548 Facing  page  182 

Fernando  Cortes Facing  page  188 

The  Nancy  Globe Facing  page  13^6 

Zaltieri's  Map,  1566 Facing  page  204 

Wytfliet-Ptolemy  Map,  1597,  No.  1 Facing  page  212 

Wytfliet-Ptolemy  Map,  1597,  No.  2 Facing  page  216 

Maldonado's  Strait  of  Anian,  1609 Facing  page  224 

Lok's  Map,  1582 Facing  page  232 

Thomas  Cavendish Facing  page  236 

Sir  John  Hawkins Facing  page  244 

Sir  Francis  Drake Facing  page  248 

King  Charles  II Facing  page  252 

Captain  James  Cook Facing  page  256 

Cook's  Map,  1778 Facing  page  262 

Captain  Nathaniel  Portlock Facing  page  266 

Captain  John  Meares Facing  page  270 

J.  Russell's  Map Facing  page  288 

Dutch  Map Facing  page  298 

Carver's  Map,  1778 Facing  page  312 

Alexander  Mackenzie Facing  page  322 

Queen  Elizabeth. Facing  page  330 

Captain  George  Vancouver Facing  page  334 

Vancouver's  Map,  1793 Facing  page  338 

Entrance  to  Strait  of  De  Fuca Facing  page  342 

Four  Remarkable  Poles  in  Port  Townsend Facing  page  350 

Mount  Ranier  from  the  South  Part  of  Admiralty 

Inlet   Facing  page  352 

The  "  Discovery  "  on  the  Rocks  in  Queen  Charlotte's 

Sound  Facing  page  356 

Launch  of  the  "  Northwest  America  " Pacing  page  366 


PREFACE 

THIS  history  of  Oregon  is  in  response  to 
a  demand,  as  public  events  of  great 
significance  are  approaching,  for  a 
connected,  yet  not  too  much  extended, 
narrative  covering  the  whole  period, 
from  the  first  discoveries  on  the  Pacific  Coast  until 
the  present  time.  The  treatment  necessarily  em- 
braces some  account  of  the  two  sister  States  of 
Washington  and  Idaho,  with  connections  also  with 
Montana  and  British  Columbia.  Oregon,  indeed, 
particularly  that  portion  near  the  lower  Columbia 
River,  was  the  initial  point  of  settlement  of  the  en- 
tire Pacific  Coast  of  North  America,  and  has  been  the 
center  from  which  American  influence  has  extended 
southward  and  northward;  until  finally  crossing  the 
ocean. 

The  object  held  in  view  has  been  to  relate,  in  as 
comprehensible  a  way  as  might  be,  the  process  by 
which,  step  by  step,  this  country  was  absorbed  into 
the  American  Union.  In  order  to  do  this  it  has  been 
found  convenient  to  follow  a  logical  rather  than  a 
chronological  arrangement.  A  remark  by  William 
Hartpoole  Lecky,  in  the  preface  of  his  ''  History  of 
England  in  the  Eighteenth  Century, ' '  may  be  applied 
here.  He  says:—'*  In  order  to  do  justice  to  them 
[the  permanent  national  concerns]  it  is  necessary  to 
suppress  much  that  has  purely  biographical,  party, 
or  military  interest ;  and  I  have  not  hesitated  in  some 


xvi  PREFACE 

cases  to  depart  from  the  strict  order  of  chronology. 
The  history  of  an  institution,  or  a  tendency,  can  only 
be  written  by  collecting  into  a  single  focus  facts  that 
are  spread  over  many  years ;  and  such  matters  may 
be  more  clearly  treated  according  to  the  order  of  sub- 
jects than  according  to  the  order  of  time." 

This  seemed  in  particular  to  be  the  only  effective 
treatment  of  the  earlier  portions,  embracing  the 
period  of  discoveries.  Choice  is  sometimes  above 
time,  in  effecting  historical  changes ;  and  the  logical 
order,  illustrating  the  choice  of  the  actors,  becomes 
an  explication  and  critique  of  national  character. 
It  is  remembered,  too,  in  following  this  arrangement, 
that  this  work  is  intended  to  be  for  easy  reference, 
and  arrangement  by  subjects  rather  than  by  dates 
would  best  answer  the  purpose.  Nevertheless  many 
things  that  men's  choices  alone  would  not  have 
brought  to  any  solution  were  settled  at  length  by  the 
simple  course  of  events.  Hence,  while  attempting  to 
bring  single  subjects  into  a  single  focus,  we  have 
tried  also  to  group  subjects  so  as  to  recognize  the 
grand  order  of  time;  and,  also,  the  conclusions  of 
Providence.  In  the  history  of  Oregon  we  find— and 
it  hardly  seems  as  but  a  fond  prejudice— that  the 
evolution  has  been  to  favor  those  especially  intrusted 
with  the  doctrine  of  human  rights  and  liberties ;  and 
where  fate  has  seemed  to  pause,  and  the  balance  to 
oscillate,  it  was  only  that  in  the  hesitancy  of  the 
event,  some  character  might  be  developed  who  un- 
derstood the  meaning  of  the  hour,  and  became  able 


PEEFACE  xvii 

to  concentrate  the  forces  that  would  sway  the  future 
in  accordance  with  previous  indications  of  this  pur- 
pose. But  it  is  not  intended  by  the  writer,  either 
here,  or  later,  to  predispose  the  reader  to  his  own 
interpretation  of  events.  The  conclusions  of  all  are 
wiser  than  of  any  one.  Apart  from  the  idea  of  plac- 
ing in  convenient  form  the  information  that  the  day 
requires,  he  will  be  entirely  satisfied,  if  on  account 
of  this  effort  a  more  general  study  of  our  history  is 
induced,  and  opinions  based  on  reliable  facts  are  in- 
dependently reached.  Nor  is  it  by  any  means  claimed 
that  here  is  wrought  out  a  perfected  essay  on  the 
simple  bare  facts  of  our  history;  much  remains  to 
be  done  by  specialists  for  many  years  yet,  before  a 
complete  critical  history  of  Oregon  can  be  produced. 
While  trying  to  avoid  errors  as  far  as  possible,  it 
cannot  be  hoped  that  none  will  be  found ;  but  these, 
perhaps,  if  found,  may  be  avoided  in  a  later  edition. 
To  the  Board  of  Editors,  exclusive  of  the  writer, 
whose  fituess  for  the  task  is  everywhere  recognized, 
is  due  both  a  great  part  of  the  arrangement,  and  the 
critical  finish.  As  a  labor  of  good-will  this  should 
be  remembered  by  the  reader  as  well  as  mentioned  by 
the  writer.  The  inception  of  the  work,  as  well  as 
the  business  management  in  Oregon,  is  due  to  Mr. 
0.  F.  Vedder,  long  connected  with  similar  works  in 
the  Eastern  States,  and  to  some  extent  on  this  coast ; 
and  his  belief  that  this  community  would  now  sup- 
port a  strictly  historical  undertaking  has  been  abun- 
dantly justified.     Special  thanks  are  also  due  the 


xviii  PREFACE 

Oregon  Historical  Society  for  furnishing  not  only 
in  its  officers  the  editorial  aid,  but  in  its  collection  of 
matter,  and  in  the  personal  courtesies  of  the  As- 
sistant Secretary,  Mr.  George  H.  Himes,  an  assist- 
ance without  which  the  work  could  not  have  been 
completed.  The  value  to  this,  and  to  all  future  works 
of  the  kind,  of  the  Portland  Library,  and  the  courtesy 
of  its  officers,  should  also  be  gratefully  acknowledged. 

To  Mr.  Frederick  V.  Holman  special  acknowledg- 
ment should  be  made  for  valuable  assistance  in  ob- 
taining illustrations. 

No  effort  or  expense  has  been  spared  by  the  pub- 
lishers to  furnish  all  available  historical  pictures,  au- 
tographs, maps,  and  documents ;  and  without  doubt 
the  collection  far  exceeds  anything  to  be  seen  else- 
where on  the  subject.  This  feature  alone  gives  the 
work  much  more  than  ordinary  value,  and  makes  it, 
apart  from  a  modest  estimate  of  the  text,  a  publica- 
tion that  would  be  a  credit  to  any  State. 

H.    S.   Lyman. 

Astoria,  Oregon,  December  1,  1902. 


CHAPTER  I 
The  Land 


OREGON,  considered  historically,  com- 
prises the  land  bar4ering  upoa.  tha  Pa- 
cific Ocean  from  Oalifornia  on  the 
south  to  British  Commbia  onjthejnoeth, 
and  extending  as  far  easterly  as  the 
summits  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  It  thus  originally 
included  what  has  since  been  divided  into  the  terri- 
torially great  States  of  Oregon,  Washington,  and 
Idaho,  and  parts  of  Montana  and  Wyoming. 

The  geograjjhicai  features  of  this  extensive  region 
are  familiar.  It  looks  upon  the  Pacific  from  a  moun- 
tain range  which  is  not  greatly  elevated,  but  affords 
almost  numberless  bold  headlands  ramifying  from 
the  western  spurs  and  jutting  upon  the  waves.  The 
actual  height  of  these  hills  is  appreciably  increased 
to  the  view  bv  the  dense  and  almost  unbroken  ever- 
green  forests,  more  heavy  to  the  north,  that  rise  rank 
after  rank  from  water's  edge  to  farthest  peaks. 
On  account  of  ' '  the  continuous  woods  ' '  the  sea  slope 
remains  still  a  wilderness,  as  it  was  at  the  first  dis- 
covery, and  for  ages  before ;  but  in  a  scenic  point  of 
view  a  compensation  has  been  given  in  a  certain  som- 
ber splendor  of  tints  of  blue  and  purple,  scarcely 
varjdng  year  in  and  year  out,  unless  under  the  ef- 
fects of  an  occasional  snow  fall  in  winter,  or  of  the 
hazy  or  smoky  air  of  autumn  lending  various  hues 
of  bronze  or  saffron. 

The  highlands  of  the  coast  mountains  occur  at  the 
extreme  south,  where  the  granitic  Siskiyous  lift 
dome-shaped  summits  that  until  late  in  summer  are 


44  THE    GROWTH   OF 

white  with  snow,  and  are  visible  far  at  sea;  and  at 
the  extreme  north,  where  the  Olympic  Mountains 
break  down  from  snow-capped  ridges  to  the  ocean, 
and  Qverlo^>)i  the  straits  that  form  their  northern 
terminal,  as  they  also  front  upon  the  system  of  inlets 
and  soands  that  separate  their  outskirts  from  the 
second  and  much  more  lofty  mountain  steppe.  To  the 
eye  of  the  mariner  the  weather  coast  of  both  Oregon 
and  Washington  has  ever  presented  a  warning 
front.  Rocks,  in  reality  of  large  dimensions,  being 
three  or  four  hundred  feet  in  height,  seem  dwarfed 
in  the  greater  elevation  of  the  capes  or  mountains 
beyond;  and  even  broad  bays  and  arms  of  the  sea 
seem  to  be  hidden  in  the  reflected  hues  of  the  pre- 
vailing forests,  or  are  obscured  behind  the  lines  of 
breakers  dashing  on  the  rocks  or  rolling  on  the  sands. 
A  profound  respect,  amounting  to  awe  or  dread,  may 
be  noticed  working  upon  the  minds  of  all  who  first 
approach  the  coasts  of  Oregon. 

Little  indication  is  given  to  those  coming  from  the 
sea  that  this  somber  range,  that  appears  always  to  be 
wrapped  in  some  mysteriousness  of  its  own,  is  pene- 
trated by  unnumbered  valleys,  and  is  also  a  deep  re- 
gion of  rivers  and  streams,  and  that  between  its 
stormy  headlands  are  many  cozy  nooks  and  inviting 
shores,  and  not  a  few  ample  harbors.  It  is  a  shadowy 
and  hidden  sort  of  land,  being  often  covered  under 
a  drapery  of  clouds,  or  mist,  or  the  remnants  of 
storms  left  shredded  in  the  hollows.  It  seems  so 
bold  and  compact,  also,  that  no  intimation  is  afforded 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  45 

that  the  occasional  snow  peaks  seen  over  them  in 
summer  from  the  ocean,  such  as  Ranier,  St.  Helens, 
or  Hood,  are  not  only  still  more  lofty  elevations  of 
the  same  wilderness  of  mountains.  Nor  to  the  voy- 
ager, painfully  buffeting  his  way,  and  fearing  noth- 
ing so  much  as  to  be  cast  upon  a  blank  weather  shore, 
is  any  sign  given  of  the  great  interior  valleys  lying 
broad  and  beautiful  beyond  the  timbered  coast  hills. 
Though  exceeding  in  area  some  of  the  most  populous 
portions  of  Spain  or  Italy,  these  valleys  are  made 
known,  even  in  fancy,  only  to  the  laborious  traveler 
who  climbs  the  hills,  or  overcomes  the  currents  of 
the  rivers. 

The  valley  system  west  of  the  Cascade  Mountains 
extends  northward  from  the  Siskiyous,  and  termi- 
nates only  upon  the  inlets  and  gulfs  connecting  with 
the  sea  by  the  Straits  of  Fuca.  Though  essentially 
one,  this  system  is  crossed  and  recrossed  by  low  hills, 
and  only  in  the  country  watered  by  the  Willamette, 
presents  extensive  plains.  On  the  northern  end, 
down  as  low  as  the  Columbia,  and  even  farther,  in- 
vesting the  range  of  hills  that  forms  its  southern 
bank  to  the  mouth  of  the  Willamette,  is  the  covering 
of  universal  forest,  giving  to  Washington  very  fit- 
tingly the  name  of  ' '  Evergreen  State. ' '  This  forest 
belt,  of  the  fir  and  pines,  is  easily  observed  to  follow 
the  line  of  the  heavier  spring  and  summer  rainfall 
brought  by  the  fresh  sea  winds  up  the  Columbia,  dis- 
tributing greater  moisture  as  far  southward  as  the 
Willamette  Falls,  and  thence  diagonally  southeast- 


46  THE    GROWTH    OF 

>vard,  until  -imiting  with  the  next  great  forest  belt 
with  which  the  Cascade  Mountains  are  clad.  How- 
ever, the  greater  portion  of  the  valley  system,  which 
lies  southward  from  the  Willamette  Falls  to  the  Cali- 
fornia border,  and  on  the  west  side  under  the  shelter 
of  the  Coast  Hills,  has  been  from  all  known  times  an 
open  country,  only  diversified  with  belts  of  forests, 
or  fringes  of  trees  along  the  water  courses,  or  with 
groves  on  the  north  sides  of  the  slopes.  It  is  the  land 
of  the  oak,  which  seeks  the  lower  elevations  and 
seems  to  select  situations  where  one  grove  may  look 
across  an  unobstructed  plain  to  another  cluster  of 
companionable  trees  at  the  horizon's  edge.  The 
white  oak  is  the  species  most  seen  in  the  Willamette 
Valley ;  the  black  being  very  abundant  to  the  south- 
ward. The  prairie  condition  of  the  valleys  of  west- 
ern Oregon  has  been  maintained  to  no  small  extent 
by  the  custom  of  the  Indians,  followed  until  the  set- 
tlement by  the  whites,  of  burning  over  the  country 
every  autumn.  The  object  is  said  to  have  been  to 
keep  down  the  brush,  so  as  to  make  deer  hunting 
easier;  and  also  to  mature  and  partially  cook  the 
seeds  of  a  certain  plant  used  for  food. 

The  Cascade  Mountains,  the  most  commanding 
physical  feature  of  Oregon  and  Washington,  being 
an  unbroken  chain  extending  from  the  Sierras  of 
California,  of  which  they  are  the  continuation,  and 
not  sinking  until  they  enter  the  regions  of  Alaska, 
are  here  one  of  the  great  ranges  of  the  world.  There 
is  nothing  of  mountain  grandeur  or  beauty  that  is 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  47 

not  exemplified  in  their  fastnesses.  They  reach  such 
an  elevation,  to  use  the  language  of  an  earlier  writer, 
"  as  to  arrest  the  clouds,  and  to  rise  into  the  regions 
of  perpetual  snow."  The  evergreen  forests  disap- 
pear from  their  slopes  only  at  the  snow  line.  Alpine 
valleys,  carved  by  action  of  old  glaciers,  watered  with 
snow-fed  streams,  and  with  park-like  expanses  set 
with  groves  of  alpine  trees  and  banks  of  the  most 
gorgeous  flowers,  render  the  Cascade  uplands  a  re- 
gion of  surpassing  beauty.  The  number  of  peaks 
that  rise  into  the  regions  of  perpetual  snow,  from 
eight  thousand  feet  elevation  upward,  especially  in 
northern  Washington,  may  be  counted  only  by  the 
hundreds.  The  greater  peaks,  of  which  Ranier  is 
liighest,  are  chiefly  of  volcanic  origin. 

The  description  of  this  range  of  mountains,  quoted 
above,  is  not  simply  descriptive ;  it  is  also  scientific- 
ally exact.  The  Cascade  Mountains  by  their  great 
elevation  do,  in  fact,  arrest  the  clouds  and  precipitate 
the  greater  portion  of  the  moisture  of  the  sea  winds. 
On  their  eastern  slopes  the  eye  is  met  with  the  hues 
of  the  desert.  The  forests,  expanded  first  to  open 
glades,  then  to  lonely  pine,  are  quickly  left,  and  the 
great  elevated  plateau,  or  continental  basin,  stretches 
away  to  an  unbounded  horizon  north  and  south,  in 
the  glowing  colors  and  palpitating  heat,  in  summer, 
of  the  treeless  sunland.  Purple  and  gold,  mingled 
with  the  gray  or  reddish  tints  of  naked  rocks,  are  the 
prevailing  hues.  Here  extends  a  region  about 
five  hundred  miles  square— an  area  exceeding  in  ex- 


48  THE    GROWTH    OF 

tent  that  of  many  a  storied  empire.  From  all  direc- 
tions, except  that  portion  of  Oregon  which  belongs 
to  the  Nevada  basin,  it  shelves  toward  a  common  cen- 
ter near  the  confluence  of  the  two  main  arms  of  the 
Colmnbia  River,  in  the  State  of  "Washington.  Al- 
though the  water  courses  bearing  the  surplus  thaw 
of  the  ranges  to  the  central  artery,  are  long,  yet  so 
great  is  the  general  elevation,  being  three  to  four 
thousand  feet  at  the  bases  of  the  most  distant  moun- 
tains, that  the  entire  basin  has  been  ribbed  and  chan- 
neled in  an  almost  inconceivable  fashion;  the  bare, 
naked  rocks  and  mountain  pillars  often  impend  al- 
most, or  quite  perpendicularly  over  the  principal 
streams.  It  is  a  wide  wild  land  of  wind  and  sun- 
shine. To  the  casual  traveler,  toiling  along  the  water 
courses,  or  stemming  their  impetuous  currents,  the 
entire  basin  seems  but  a  succession  of  breaks  and 
bluffs.  But  once  out  upon  the  undulating  plateaus, 
its  true  character  begins  to  appear.  It  was  once  a 
comparatively  level  floor,  but  has  since  been  chan- 
neled to  its  present  salience. 

Like  an  irregular  island,  almost  in  the  center  of 
the  basin,  rise  the  bold  slopes  and  steep  points  of  the 
Blue  Mountains,  forming  in  their  coloring  a  strong 
and  very  pleasing  contrast  to  the  dun  or  purple  of 
the  rolling  plains ;  being  of  an  intense  blue,  derived 
from  the  evergreen  forests  that  clothe  them  on  the 
upper  reaches.  Eastward  still  in  Idaho,  and  across 
the  depression  of  the  Snake  River,  the  surface  is  ele- 
vated again  into  the  pinnacles  of  the  Seven  Devils, 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  49 

and  of  the  Salmon  River  Mountains ;  and  the  basin 
ends  at  length  upon  the  east  at  the  first  swell  of  the 
Rocky  Mountain  chain.  From  these  farther  slopes 
a  silver  thread  of  snow  water  is  drawn,  and  follow- 
ing this  to  its  spring  one  may  look  to  the  sunrise 
down  the  central  ridge  of  the  continent,  and  see 
where  the  waters  of  the  Columbia  part  from  those 
of  the  Mississippi  Basin. 

Thus,  in  this  passing  view  of  the  geography  of  the 
country,  three  great  superficial  divisions  are  seen— 
the  coast,  the  system  of  western  valleys,  and  the  in- 
terior basin— the  latter  being  so  much  greater  in  ex- 
tent, however,  as  to  make  the  others  seem  but  as  a 
borderland.  These  three  divisions  have  been  so  pro- 
foundly stamped  by  nature  that  all  geographical 
unity  in  the  whole  of  the  country  called  "  Oregon," 
and  no  doubt  all  historical  unity,  would  have  been 
lost  but  for  one  feature,  even  more  profound  and 
constraining  than  unbroken  mountain  chains.  This 
unifying  element  has  been  the  chasm  of  the  Colum- 
bia River,  extended  eastward  by  the  Snake  River  to 
the  Rocky  Mountains.  This  chasm  has  offered  for  all 
time  a  passageway  of  the  waters,  and  for  man,  and 
has  made  Oregon  one.  Great  as  was  the  task  of  mak- 
ing of  the  most  intractible  of  mountain  lands  a  con- 
sistent and  organic  whole,  the  task  has  been  accom- 
plished by  the  Columbia. 

There   a   grim    mountain    uprising, 

From  a  storm  of  uplifted  brands, 
Stands  like  a  chieftain  advising 

With  his  fierce  and  untamable  bands.* 


*  Sam  L.  Simpaon. 
[Vol.  1] 


50  THE    GROWTH    OF 

The  diversity  and  ferocity  of  untamable  mountains, 
and  all  the  opposing  and  conflicting  elements  stamped 
by  them  upon  the  face  of  the  country,  or  that  have 
been  or  will  be  stamped  by  them  upon  the  inhabitants, 
have  been  obliged  to  yield  to  the  greater  forces  of 
unity  and  central  purpose  compelled  by  the  majestic 
flow  of  the  Columbia.  The  name  first  given  to  this 
river  has  by  a  most  natural  and  just  course  of 
thought  been  transferred  to  the  whole  vast  basin  of 
which  it  has  made  a  geographical  unit. 

The  history  of  Oregon  is  the  story  of  the  settle- 
ment and  development  of  this  great  region.  It  is 
a  story  that  has  been  full  of  surprises.  It  will  show 
how  the  shores  that  once  seemed  so  inhospitable  and 
warned  the  mariners  off  to  sea,  and  not  to  leave  their 
own  element,  have  become  inviting  to  thousands  of 
ships  that  seek  them  each  year.  It  will  show  how 
the  rivers  that  to  the  first  explorers  seemed  to  run 
**  like  mad,"  have  since  willingly  borne  the  boats  of 
home-seekers  and  merchants,  and  have  at  their  most 
formidable  water-breaks  disclosed  a  power  that  still 
remains  to  be  placed  to  human  uses.  The  mountains 
do  not  look  so  high  or  forbidding;  the  forests  are 
no  more  impenetrable.  The  area  of  tillable  land, 
that  once  was  thought  to  be  confined  to  the  river  bot- 
toms, or  the  com^paratively  small  prairies  of  the  Wil- 
lamette Valley,  has  been  extended  year  after  year, 
each  new  experiment  showing  productiveness  where 
the  eye  inexperienced  in  Oregon  soils,  and  accus- 
tomed to  judge  by  other  standards,  saw  only  barren- 


AN    AMERICAN    STATE  51 

ness.  Wliere  miners  looked  for  iron  tliey  liave  found 
gold,  and  iron  where  they  looked  for  stones.  Where 
the  older  generation  of  scientists  declared  there  could 
be  no  coal,  because  the  volcanic  action  must  have 
burned  it  out,  the  coal  in  great  abundance  has  been 
found.  The  population  of  the  States  carved  out  of 
old  Oregon  is  still  of  almost  insignificant  proportions 
to  the  magnitude  of  the  natural  bounties  here  treas- 
ured, and  the  story  is  only  begun  of  the  uses  that 
this  abundance  will  vet  serve. 

The  history  will  also  show  to  what  people,  already 
established  as  an  organized  body  on  the  earth,  this 
large  region  was  to  belong,  and  what  form  of  gov- 
ernment it  should  strengthen.  That  it  should  have 
become  American  seems  now  so  natural  that  how  it 
became  so,  or  why  it  was  reserved  as  the  final  pillar 
of  the  great  Republic,  hardly  seems  to  need  atten- 
tion. It  was  so  destined;  but  history  is  the  story  of 
destiny,  and  shows  why  destiny  is  rational  and  right. 
The  history  will  show  that  the  possession  of  Oregon 
by  Americans,  and  the  selection  of  a  government  of 
freemen,  was  the  action  of  a  long  succession  of  men's 
choices,  and  was  the  result  of  rejection  and  indif- 
ference and  incapacity,  as  well  as  of  wisdom  and  en- 
ergy. The  opportunity  was  given  to  every  nation 
of  the  civilized  world  to  own  this  immense  shore,  but 
like  Esau's  birthright  it  was  traded  away;  or,  their 
ownership  scornfully  refused  by  the  land  itself —un- 
til a  free  people  appeared.  Mind  by  mind,  thought 
by   thought,   and   act  by   act,   the   hundred-handed 


52  THE    GROWTH    OF 

Americans    found    acceptance    where   the   monarch 
found  only  failure.    It  will  be  seen  that  our  Colum- 
bia was  too  wild  and  free  ever  to  bow  to  a  king ;  that 
our  mountains  were  too  lofty  and  pure  to  accept 
despotism;   and  that  there  was  no  welcome  here  ex- 
cept to  those  who  had  learned  how  to  combine  lib- 
erty with  the  security  of  organized  society.    Oregon 
was  a  land  that  preferred  even  the  savage  liberty  of 
the  wild  animals,  or  almost  equally  wild  Indians,  to 
the  service  of  those  who  came  only  to  establish  in- 
equality, and  hence  lingered  two  hundred  years  behind 
the  other  parts  of  America  for  her  allegiance  to  grow, 
until  the  flag  of  America  began  to  float  upon  the  Pa- 
cific.    That  this  is  not  simply  a  fantastic  idea,  but 
that  it  is  a  shadow  of  the  greater  destiny,  or  Provi- 
dence, that  has  guided  a  people  striving  to  join  a 
greater  individual  opportunity  than  kings  have  been 
able  to  grant,  with  the  strength  afforded  by  organized 
government,  will  become  apparent  as  the  story  is 
traced. 

It  will  also  be  seen  that  possession  of  Oregon  car- 
ried with  it  a  national  pre-eminence  to  the  country 
desiring  and  attaining  such  possession  far  beyond 
what  even  its  ample  and  wonderfully  enriched  area 
could  confer.  It  was  the  effort  of  America,  hardly 
yet  freed  herself,  to  secure  the  way  to  Oregon,  that 
made  it  logical  and  right  to  accept  from  European 
monarchy  the  Mississippi  Valley  and  the  control  of 
the  Gulf;  it  was  possession  of  Oregon,  by  dint  of 
pure  merit  and  individual  effort  of  the  Oregon  pio- 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  53 

neers,  tiiat  made  possession  of  California  desirable 
and  possible;  it  was  occupation  and  use  of  the  Pa- 
cific Coast  from  the  Straits  of  Fuca  to  San  Diego 
that  made  possession  and  occupation  of  Alaska  easy 
and  desirable,  and  without  violating  any  principle  of 
national  growth.  For  the  very  same  reason  the  oc- 
cupation and  possession  of  Hawaii,  whose  autonomy 
was  respected  and  guaranteed  just  as  long  as  it 
could  stand,  or  was  wished  by  her  people,  could 
be  effected  without  resort  to  violence.  The  further 
occupation  of  the  Pacific  will  proceed,  so  far  as  it  is 
permanent,  upon  the  same  principle.  So  far  as 
Americans  can  justify  their  sovereignty  as  was  done 
in  Oregon,  by  actual  use  and  occupation,  and  exten- 
sion of  a  greater  oiDportunity  to  man  than  can  be 
afforded  by  kings  or  emperors,  its  flag  will  float 
higher  than  any  other.  The  Pacific  Ocean,  with  its 
numberless  archipelagos  and  islands,  is  even  now 
practically  American,  and  is  held  rather  by  the  sense 
of  freedom  and  benefits,  and  the  stronger  nerve  of 
liberty,  than  by  the  arms  upon  which  emperors  must 
rely. 

While  this  may  seem  as  anticipation  rather  than 
history,  it  is  made  so  apparent  by  the  history  that  we 
may  well  pause  and  consider  what  dignity  and  im- 
portance is  thus  added  to  the  story  of  the  occupation 
of  Oregon;  since  the  influence  of  America  over  the 
Pacific,  and  even  upon  the  Orient,  must  still  pass 
through  the  gates  of  the  Columbia,  the  Straits  of 
Fuca,  and  San  Francisco  Bay. 


54  THE    GROWTH    OF 

It  is  not  easy  to  forego  looking  much  farther  back 
than  the  point  where  history  begins,  and  trace  the 
threads  of  destiny— which  is  destiny  only  as  it  is  rea- 
sonable and  right,  and  reveals  the  controlling  Will— 
as  shown  in  the  formation  of  the  land;  how  it  grew 
slowly  in  geological  times  from  an  archipelago, 
washed  by  a  sea  that  extended  over  the  then  sub- 
merged continent  as  far  east  as  Nebraska,  and  when 
the  elevated  portions  of  America  were  on  the  At- 
lantic side— long  ''  before  the  Flood,"  and  long  be- 
fore the  ages  of  ice,  and,  indeed,  far  back  toward  the 
ArchsBan  times.  How  it  grew  and  rose,  forming 
mountain  chains  between  which  extended  gulfs  from 
the  sea,  or  inland  seas;  and  the  Willamette  Valley 
was  but  the  bed  of  a  sound,  whose  waters  surrounded 
the  hills  that  now  are  seen  to  rise  like  islands  from 
the  plain ;  and  when  the  entire  basin  of  the  Columbia 
was  an  inland  sea,  ^ith  the  Blue  Mountains  as  an 
island  overlooking  the  expanse  which  has  now  been 
raised  to  a  continental  plateau.  And  how  at  length, 
by  the  elevation  of  the  entire  basin,  and  the  outpour- 
ing of  molten  rocks,  and  building  of  volcanoes,  Ore- 
gan  passed  from  the  physical  condition  resembling 
that  of  the  Antilles  or  Central  America,  to  which 
Spaniards  might  sail  any  month  in  the  year,  to  a  stern 
northern  land,  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  world 
by  mountains  so  high  and  bare  as  to  overawe  the 
minds  as  well  as  to  wear  out  the  limbs  of  any  feeble 
explorer,  and  was  shut  from  the  sea  by  somber  shores 
that  warned  off  all  but  the  expert  seamen  who  had 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  55 


been  nursed  in  the  snows  of  New  England.  Oregon, 
as  thus  viewed,  seems  to  have  had  a  leading  share  in 
her  own  destiny,  and  the  choice  seems  to  have  been 
hers  quite  as  much  as  that  of  the  liberty-loving 
Americans,  and  so  we  are  led  to  consider  the  thought 
of  Providence  and  Divine  purpose,  which  is  higher 
than  what  is  usually  meant  in  the  term  destiny,  and 
makes  of  it  not  the  excuse  of  tyrants  or  commercial 
buccaneers,  but  the  development  of  national  right- 
eousness, and  the  extension  of  good  will  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth. 

But  we  must  content  ourselves  with  beginning  at  a 
historical  point,  and  leave  to  specialists  both  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  growth  of  the  land  of  Oregon  before 
man's  appearance  on  the  earth,  and  the  final  bearing 
of  its  possession  by  America  upon  ideas  of  govern- 
ment. We  must  confine  ourselves  to  the  limits 
of  the  story  of  Oregon  as  related  to  its  discovery 
and  occupation,  and  its  place  in  the  national  develop- 
ment. 


CHAPTER   II 
First    Inhabitants 


WHEN  first  visited  by  the  white  men 
the  Oregon  country  was  found  to  be 
sparsely  populated  with  various 
tribes  of  the  copper-brown  race  de- 
nominated, from  the  misconception 
of  Columbus,  the  Indians.  They  belonged  to  the 
hunting  tribes  of  North  America,  and  seem  to  have 
very  small  resemblance  to  the  more  highly  civilized 
races  found  in  Mexico  or  Central  America.  They 
were  indiscriminately  called  savages,  from  which 
they  derived  the  word  that  in  their  jargon  signifies 
their  own  race— Siwash. 

However  little  consideration  may  have  been  given 
them  in  popular  judgment,  history  must  award  to 
them  a  very  large  place  in  the  development  of  our 
State;  and  this  place  is  very  honorable.  Although 
a  gloomy  and  taciturn  people,  and  not  showing  the 
suavity  of  the  southern  tribes,  they  were  in  their  first 
reception  of  whites  almost  invariably  friendly,  and 
extended  hospitality  according  to  their  customs  and 
ability.  As  the  story  proceeds  it  will  be  shown  that 
out  of  a  century  of  intercourse  between  the  two  races, 
in  which  the  white  man  by  the  very  necessity  of  the 
ease  stood  in  the  light  of  an  intruder,  or  became  the 
aggressor,  there  still  have  been  but  very  short  periods 
of  Indian  war.  So  far  from  despising,  or  not  appre- 
ciating, the  white  men's  superior  inventions,  the  In- 
dians were  eager  from  the  first  to  learn  and  acquire 
them,  and  understood  at  once  the  benefits  to  be  de- 
rived from  trade  and  commerce  and  education,  and 


60  THE    GROWTH   OF 

even  from  the  white  man's  religion.  The  most  astute 
and  powerful  tribes  were  the  fast  friends  of  the 
whites  from  the  first,  and  never  engaged  in  hostili- 
ties. During  the  comparatively  long  period  of  Brit- 
ish occupation,  and  during  the  earlier  days  of  Ameri- 
can settlement  marriage  between  the  daughters  of  the 
chiefs  and  white  men  was  practiced,  and  a  consider- 
able infusion  of  Indian  blood  into  the  white  race  was 
thus  brought  about.  Some  of  the  most  intelligent 
and  most  effective  men  in  building  up  the  American 
commonwealths  of  this  coast  have  been  of  mixed 
blood. 

When  first  seen  by  the  white  men  the  Indians  were 
frequently  the  objects  of  a  no  very  intelligent  curios- 
ity, and  their  contrasts,  or  defects,  from  the  white 
man's  standards,  were  most  noticed.  Some  of  their 
very  virtues,  in  their  own  estimation,  were  easily  de- 
graded into  vices  by  the  whites.  No  greater  merit 
was  known  among  the  Indian  men  than  generosity,  a 
chief  giving  all  that  he  had  in  presents  to  his  friends, 
and  in  consequence  expecting  some  return,  or  borrow- 
ing when  he  needed.  This  practice  was  easily  de- 
graded, upon  intercourse  with  the  whites,  into  spend- 
thrift habits  and  the  request  to  borrow  was  regarded 
as  mere  begging.  Among  the  women,  as  among  Asi- 
atics, virtue  was  esteemed  as  rightfully  at  the  disposal 
of  the  father  or  husband,  and  their  degradation  be- 
came easy.  But  no  women  were  more  scrupulously 
faithful  to  the  will  of  a  husband.  There  are  few  more 
faithful  mothers. 


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VI 


AN    AMERICAN    STATE  61 

Many  misconceptious,   or  misunderstandings,   of 
the  Indians  were  made  by  the  first  white  men ;  canni- 
balism being  reported  as  one  of  their  customs  by  an 
eminent  traveler,  though  by  no  other  has  it  ever  been 
seen.    On  the  contrary,  instances  are  on  record  where 
entirely  wild  Indians  refused  meat  until  assured  that 
it  was  not  human  flesh,  and  many  of  their  folk  stories 
inculcate  abhorrence  of  cannibalism.    Nearly  all  the 
early  travelers  speak  of  the  Indians  as  a  decaying 
race,  mentioning  their  "  deserted  villages,"  the  nu- 
merous graves,  or  coffins,  and  the  marks  of  the  small- 
pox scourge,  or  physical  deformities,  as  indications. 
But  the  most  of  these  were  misconceptions.     The 
''  deserted  villages  "  were  merely  the  large  houses 
that  were  not  used  in  spring  and  summer,  and  were 
only  temporarily  abandoned  to  the  birds  and  weeds, 
while  the  tribe  took  their  small  houses  with  them  and 
lived  in  the  woods  or  mountains.    The  manner  of  In- 
dian burial,  placing  the  bodies  in  trees  or  upon  rocks, 
made  the  scene  of  death  very  conspicuous  and  grew- 
some ;  but  the  multitude  of  such  places  and  signs  of 
bones  and  burial  might  only  signify  the  great  faith- 
fulness of  a  tribe  to  the  funeral  rites.    Smallpox  and 
other  epidemic  diseases  had  no  doubt  begun,  as  early 
as  the  time  of  the  discovery  of  the  Columbia  River,  to 
work  great  ravages.    In  their  first  contact  with  the 
vices  and  diseases  of  civilization,  the  Indians  suf- 
fered very  greatly,  and  to  a  degree  lost  their  moral 
tone.    But  according  to  a  certain  code  of  their  own 
they  observed  very  strict  customs,  which  at  least  se- 


62  THE    GROWTH    OF 

cured  in  many  of  them  robust  health  and  an  extreme 
longevity. 

There  were  perhaps  a  dozen  very  distinct  tribes 
among  the  Oregon  Indians.  The  names  given  to 
them  are  in  many  cases  not  their  own,  but  bestowed 
by  whites,  or  from  other  tribes.  Many  errors  and 
misconceptions  in  regard  to  their  connections  have 
been  published  and  have  gone  into  general  ethnog- 
raphy. The  first  family  to  come  into  contact  with 
white  men  was  that  of  the  Nootkans,  who  occupied 
the  southern  portion  of  Vancouver  Island,  and  also 
on  both  sides  of  the  Straits  of  Fuca.  The  Makah 
tribe  is  a  branch  of  this  family.  They  were  first 
seen  at  Nootka  Sound,  and  were  for  many  years  keen 
traders  with  the  white  men.  On  a  supposed  affinity 
of  their  language  with  Chinook  they  have  by  some 
eminent  ethnologists  been  classed  with  the  latter 
tribe,  but  according  to  Gibbs,  they  are  an  entirely 
different  people. 

One  of  the  largest  and  most  influential  of  the  fam- 
ilies is  the  Chinook,  whose  principal  home  was  on 
the  north  side  of  the  Columbia,  at  its  mouth,  but  the 
same  type  and  language  had  a  wide  dispersion.  The 
Clatsops,  on  the  south  side,  and  the  Kathlamets,  the 
Wahkiahkums,  and  the  tribes  up  the  Columbia  as 
far  as  the  Cascades,  and  eastward,  and  even  includ- 
ing the  Wascos,  were  of  the  Chinook  stock.  The 
Chehalis,  Cowlitz,  and  Nisquallies,  tribes  of  Western 
Washington,  and  around  the  head  of  the  Sound,  are 
in  language  and  general  manner  quite  different  from 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  63 

the  Chinook,  but  in  common  with  them  have  been  in- 
cluded under  the  name  of  Selish,  or  Salishan  Indians. 
The  Tillamooks,  and  several  coast  tribes  to  the  south 
have  also  been  considered  as  connected  with  this 
family. 

The  Snoquallamies,  of  the  lower  sound,  have  been 
regarded  as  an  altogether  distinct  people,  and  con- 
nected rather  with  an  upper  Columbia  family.  The 
Multnomahs,  of  the  lower  Willamette,  the  Clackamas, 
of  the  region  near  the  Willamette  Falls,  and  the  Cala- 
pooiahs  of  the  upper  Willamette,  form  still  another 
division,  and  the  tribes  of  Southern  Oregon  are  even 
more  diverse.  A  somewhat  remarkable  exception  to 
the  Indians  of  the  Willamette  Valley  are  the  Molal- 
las,  who  speak  the  language  of  the  old  Cayuse,  and 
are  regarded,  both  in  origin  and  character,  as  a  part 
of  that  dominant  people.  The  Snoquallamies  are  said 
also  to  be  Cayuses. 

The  great  family  of  the  upper  Columbia  Basin  has 
been  called  the  Sahaptin,  This  includes  the  Cayuses, 
Walla  Wallas,  Nez  Perces,  and  Flatheads.  These  are 
among  the  brightest  and  most  powerful  of  the  native 
people,  and  have  taken  the  most  active  part  in  the 
history  of  Oregon.  They  have  been  much  connected 
by  blood  and  marriage,  yet  it  is  apparent  that  the 
Nez  Perces  are  a  very  different  people  from  the 
Ca>nises.  The  Spokanes,  the  Yakimas,  and  the  Kli- 
kitats,  were  powerful  tribes  of  eastern  or  northern 
Washington,  but  had  no  such  close  relations  with  the 
whites.    In  southern  and  southeastern  Oregon,  and 


64  THE    GROWTH   OF 

in  Idaho,  were  many  tribes  of  great  interest  to  the 
ethnologist,  but  of  little  connection  with  the  history. 
One  of  the  most  interesting  of  these  is  the  Klamath, 
which  has  been  regarded  as  a  very  old  and  practically 
distinct  people. 

The  tribes  most  intimate  with  the  whites  have  been 
the  Nootkans,  Chinooks,  and  Clatsops;  the  Cala- 
pooiahs,  and  the  Nez  Perces.  These  have  been  fast 
friends,  and  upon  more  than  one  occasion  have  ren- 
dered great  services. 

The  coast  tribes  were  the  most  advanced  industri- 
ally of  all  the  Oregon  Indians,  and  of  these  perhaps 
the  Chinooks  were  in  the  lead.  So  far  from  being  a 
lazy  or  torpid  jjeople  they  were  constantly  busy,  and 
that  usuallv  at  work  rather  than  war.  Their  liveli- 
hood  depended  chiefly  upon  fishing,  and  this  was  an 
employment  belonging  to  men.  Their  arts  in  boat- 
building, house-building,  making  fish  nets,  and  in  tak- 
ing salmon,  were  worthy  of  almost  any  people. 

As  to  boats,  or  canoes,  the  Chinooks  made  three 
kinds— the  large,  high-bowed  canoe,  for  the  use  of 
chiefs,  and  capable  of  holding  twenty  or  more  per- 
sons, called  esqnaiah;  then  the  big  tub  canoe,  which 
was  low  and  flat,  and  called  skamoolsk;  and  the  small 
one-man,  or  duck,  canoe,  called  kahsetich.  The  Chi- 
nook, or  Clatsop,  model,  was  used,  it  has  been  said, 
in  drawing  the  lines  of  the  first  American  clipper 
ships,  and  the  model  of  these  fast  sailers  has  become 
essentially  that  of  the  modern  "  ocean  greyhounds." 
All  the  Indian  canoes  were  made  from  a  single  tree, 


AN   AMEKICAN    STATE  65 

the  log  being  preferably  of  spruce  or  cedar.  This 
was  hollowed  oat,  and  the  shavings  as  cut  were  raked 
to  the  middle  and  burned,  thus  also  assisting  much  in 
the  labor  of  excavation,  as  the  fire  also  consumed  the 
log.  Water  in  a  basket  was  at  hand  to  use  for  keep- 
ing the  fire  in  proper  bounds.  After  the  tree  had 
been  properly  hollowed  out  it  was  partly  filled  with 
water  into  which  hot  stones  were  thrown,  and  the  hulk 
was  steamed,  skins  or  mats  being  thrown  over  the 
top.  AVliile  thus  flexible  the  sides  were  strained  to 
the  proper  shape,  and  fixed  by  thwarts. 

As  to  houses,  some  of  these  were  of  large  dimen- 
sions, a  single  dwelling  being  sometimes  as  much  as 
sixty  feet  long.  Such  were  constructed  of  very  large 
cedar  planks,  thirty  to  sixty  feet  in  length,  and  four 
or  five  inches  thick,  and  several  feet  broad,  laid 
lengthwise,  one  above  another,  up  to  the  eaves.  The 
floor  of  the  house  was  sunken  several  feet  in  the 
ground,  and  the  eaves  were  not  high.  The  roof  was 
of  poles  and  bark,  laid  in  shingle  fashion,  secured  by 
poles  laid  lengthwise  of  the  ridge.  A  smaller  house, 
especially  on  Puget  Sound,  was  very  much  in  use, 
which  was  made  of  small  split  boards,  or  ''  shakes." 
The  boards  for  the  roof  were  especially  prepared 
so  as  not  to  leak,  every  knot  hole  or  imperfection 
being  carefully  gone  around  with  a  groove,  so  as  to 
turn  water  from  the  opening.  Such  boards  were  car- 
ried around  from  place  to  i^lace.  Houses  of  this  tem- 
porary character  were  common  in  the  Willamette 
Valley  also ;  but  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  the  houses 

[Vol.  1] 


66  THE    GROWTH    OF 

were  more  of  the  large  permanent  style.  In  the  cen- 
ter of  the  large  houses  was  the  place  for  fire,  the 
larger  houses  having  several  fires.  An  opening  was 
sometimes  left  in  the  roof  for  the  escape  of  smoke, 
but  quite  frequently  only  cracks  in  the  roofs  were 
seen,  the  idea  being  that  the  latter  made  a  more 
uniform  draught.  Around  the  sides  of  the  room  and 
extending  under  the  eaves  was  a  raised  platform, 
serving  as  place  for  beds,  which  were  made  of  mats, 
and  for  general  storage  purposes.  One  large  house 
made  room  for  many  occupants. 

The  salmon  nets  of  the  Clatsops  and  Chinooks  were 
made  of  twine,  woven  from  the  wild  flax  that  grew  in 
the  upper  country,  and  was  an  extensive  article  of 
commerce.  This  was  retted  and  treated  much  as  flax 
in  use  at  present,  and  made  a  strong  fiber.  Fibers  of 
roots,  such  as  of  the  spruce  and  hemlock  trees,  were 
also  used,  or  had  been  at  least  before  the  commerce 
with  the  up-river  Indians  began.  The  nets  made  of 
the  fibers  were  of  the  gill-net  type,  and  no  doubt  the 
modern  gill-net  in  use  on  the  Columbia  and  over  the 
entire  coast,  was  taken  from  the  Indian  model.  The 
Indians'  nets  were  several  fathoms  in  length,  and 
were  supported  by  floats  that  stood  upright  when 
drawn,  and  were  held  perpendicular  in  the  water  by 
stone  sinkers.  The  nets  were  then  drifted  in  the 
water  and  the  salmon  taken.  At  the  falls  of  the 
rivers,  as  Oregon  City,  the  Cascades  and  Dalles,  the 
salmon  were  speared.  The  patience  and  skill  of  the 
Indian  in  spearing  fish  has  often  been  noticed  by 
travelers. 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  67 

The  tools  used  by  the  Indians,  before  iron  was 
brought  by  the  whites,  were  formed  of  bone  or  flint, 
joined  with  wooden  handles,  by  the  sinews  of  deer 
or  elk.  The  horns  of  deer  or  elk  and  the  teeth  of  fish 
were  also  used  to  some  extent.  The  flints  were  ob- 
tained in  an  ingenious  manner.  A  flint  stone  was 
wrapped  in  wet  moss,  and  then  covered  in  a  heap  of 
hot  stones  covered  with  earth.  By  the  heat  and 
steam  the  stone  would  be  rent  into  fragments,  from 
which  cutting  edges  of  all  sizes  and  shapes  could  be 
taken,  whether  for  knives,  spear-heads,  arrow-heads, 
or  axes  or  adzes.  With  the  implements  made  of  these 
the  Indians  were  able  to  fell  the  largest  trees,  and  to 
rive  the  largest  planks.  In  riving  timber  they  used 
also  gluts  made  of  the  hard  spruce  knots.  They  also 
used  mallets,  or  mauls,  the  axe  being  held  against  the 
tree,  and  driven  by  a  blow  of  the  maul.  The  adz  was 
made  of  a  sharp  stone,  or  later  a  piece  of  iron,  set 
between  two  forks  of  a  stick,  being  somewhat  diag- 
onally placed ;  and  with  this  a  knife  stroke  could  be 
obtained,  and  very  fine  cutting,  or  shaving,  be  per- 
formed. 

As  for  household  utensils  these  were  made  chiefly 
of  baskets,  so  woven  as  to  be  water  tight,  the  ma- 
terial being  spruce,  cedar,  or  hemlock  root  fibers. 
The  baskets  for  cooking  were  made  somewhat  jug- 
shaped,  with  a  cover  to  place  over  the  top.  The 
articles  to  be  cooked  were  first  placed  in  the  basket 
or  pot,  and  covered  partly  with  water.  Hot  stones 
were  prepared,  and  after  first  being  dipped  in  hot 


68  THE    GROWTH   OF 

water,  to  remove  any  ashes,  were  dropped  into  the 
j)ot.  The  cover  was  then  shut  down,  and  after  a  time 
the  food  was  cooked  thoroughly.  Many  kinds  of  food 
were  in  use,  sahnon  and  other  fish  being  most  abun- 
dant anywhere  along  the  coast  or  course  of  the  Co- 
lumbia. Many  of  the  myths  of  the  Indians  relate  to 
articles  of  food,  reptiles  of  all  kinds  being  regarded 
as  loathsome,  and  human  flesh  discarded  by  all  the 
heroes.  Cannibalism  seems  never  to  have  been  prac- 
ticed by  the  Oregon  Indians.  Elk  and  deer  were  cap- 
tured by  the  Clatsops  in  pits,  dug  in  the  earth,  and 
covered  with  brush  and  sods;  by  the  Puget  Sound 
Indians  a  method  of  driving  the  deer  to  a  point  of  an 
island,  or  into  a  corral  made  of  brush  and  sea  weed, 
is  mentioned.  The  Willamette  Valley  Indians  stalked 
deer  under  the  cover  of  a  buck's  head  and  skin  thrown 
over  the  shoulder,  shooting  with  arrows  when  the 
game  came  within  range.  Roots  or  tubers  used  by 
the  Indians  were  camas,  a  bulb  the  size  of  a  small 
onion,  growing  in  marshy  or  flat  prairie  lands,  with  a 
blue  flower ;  wapato,  a  bulb  growing  in  lakes,  or  along 
the  lowlands  of  the  Columbia  in  great  quantity; 
cJie-up,  or  tuber  of  the  fox  tail;  thistle  root,  or 
slianataU'Jiee,  very  much  relished  by  the  Clatsops ;  blue 
lupine  root,  or  culwlieijina,  which  when  roasted  was  of 
the  taste  of  a  sweet  potato ;  wild  tulip,  or  brown  lily, 
ec'kultlapatU,  tiger  lily,  and  the  root  of  a  sand-growing 
plant,  often  called  seashore  verhena.  The  seed  of  the 
tar  weed,  sahwahl,  was  much  used  by  the  Indians  of 
the  Willamette  Valley ;  the  prairie  being  burned  over 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  69 

in  order  to  ripen  and  partially  cook  this  seed.    Ar- 
ticles of  food  were  also  commodities  of  exchange, 
camas  especially  being  sought  by  the  coast  tribes,  in 
whose  country  it  did  not  grow.    Gathering  of  roots, 
nuts,  and  berries  was  particularly  the  work  of  the 
women.    Hazel  nuts,  pine  nuts,  and  in  southern  Ore- 
gon chincapins,  and  acorns  in  many  localities  were 
very  abundant.    Wild  fruits  included  strawberries, 
salmon  berries   (a  species  of  rubrus),  raspberries, 
blackberries,  currants,  gooseberries,  huckleberries  of 
three  or  four  species,  sallal  berries,  a  relative  of  win- 
tergreen,  and  enormously  productive ;  buffalo  berries 
and  cranberries.    Service  berries,  haws,  choke  cher- 
ries, and  bear  berries  were  also  used.    These  articles 
of  food  were  very  abundant,  but  labor  was  required  in 
I^roperly  preparing  and  curing  them.     The  Indian 
method  of  cooking  roots  was  chiefly  by  banking  over 
hot  stones,  and  covering  with  grass  or  sea  weeds. 
Steam  was  the  principal  agent.    Fish  and  meat  were 
sometimes  roasted  over  the  coals— salmon  being  held 
on  a  stick  before  the  fire,  and  the  fat  gathered  in  clam 
shells  set  underneath. 

The  Indians  dressed  in  fibers  made  from  the  roots 
or  bark  of  trees,  one  of  the  most  common  articles  for 
women  being  a  sort  of  kirtle,  made  of  fibers,  which 
hung  from  the  waist  to  the  knee.  They  also  wove 
cloth  from  root  fibers  and  dogs '  hair,  and  used  skins 
of  animals  cured  with  the  fur;  and  dressed  deer- 
skins. The  deerskins  were  prepared,  after  remov- 
ing the  hair,  by  rubbing  with  the  brains  of  the  deer 


70  THE    GROWTH   OF 

until  soft,  and  then  smoking  over  the  fire.  This  made 
a  very  fine  soft  article.  Leggins  and  moccasins  were 
made  of  deerskins.  Hats  woven  to  a  peak  were  made 
of  straw,  and  afforded  good  protection  from  rain. 

The  laziness  of  the  Indian  is  often  spoken  of  by 
Avriters,  but  probably  not  by  those  who  saw  him  in  his 
normal  condition.  In  their  primitive  life  both  men 
and  women  had  their  regular  employment.  The  men 
were  not  trained  to  long  and  sustained  exertion, 
but  were  capable  of  very  great  activity.  The  coast 
tribes  were  more  accustomed  to  work  than  those  of  the 
interior.  All  the  tribes  practiced  polygamy  and  held 
slaves.  Intermarriages  among  tribes  were  common, 
especially  among  chiefs'  sons  and  daughters.  The 
chief  who  could  afford  the  most  wives  was  esteemed 
for  his  wealth.  Slaves  were  obtained  by  purchase  or 
capture,  and  stealing  slaves  was  a  constant  source  of 
irritation  among  the  tribes. 

Probably  the  largest  and  most  powerful  constitu- 
ency of  tribes  was  that  of  the  Chinooks,  being  allied 
with  the  Clatsops,  the  Wahkiahkums,  Kathlamets, 
and  even  having  a  connection  with  the  Wascos  at  the 
Dalles.  (The  Wascos  form  a  portion  of  the  upper 
Chinook  Indians  of  the  Columbia.— Gatschet.)  They 
were  connected  by  frequent  intermarriages  with  the 
Tillamooks  on  the  south,  and  the  Chehalis  on  the 
north,  though  their  language  is  much  diverse.  They 
are  spoken  of  as  the  Salish  tribes.  A  very  powerful 
tribe  at  one  time  were  the  Cayuses,  though  small  in 
numbers;    being  connected  with  the  Walla  Wallas 


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AN   AMERICAN    STATE  71 

and  Umatillas,  and  occupying  the  foothills  of  the 
Blue  Mountains  on  the  western  sides.  Their  old  lan- 
guage, now  discarded,  shows  a  connection  with  the 
Molallas,  who  lived  at  the  west  of  Mount  Hood. 
They  are  also  said  to  be  connected  with  the  Snoqua- 
lamichs,  whose  home  was  to  the  west  of  Mount 
Ranier.  The  Cayuses  impress  one  at  once  as  a  very 
different  type  from  the  coast  Indians.  They  are  mod- 
els of  bodily  symmetry. 

The  various  languages  spoken  by  the  tribes,  or 
families,  were  very  distinct,  and  until  the  Chinook 
jargon  was  invented,  members  of  the  different  na- 
tions could  not  converse  except  in  signs  or  by  pic- 
tures. It  is  stated  by  Horatio  Hale,  who  visited  Ore- 
gon as  an  attach(^  of  the  Wilkes  Expedition  in  1841, 
that  he  discovered  as  many  as  twelve  entirely  dis- 
tinct languages  among  the  natives  within  the  limits 
of  Oregon.  There  were  undoubtedly  more  than  this, 
and  including  those  of  Alaska  and  British  Colum- 
bia the  number  would  be  multiplied.  Tribes  closely 
adjoining,  and  having,  on  the  whole,  friendly  rela- 
tions, often  used  languages  entirely  separate,  as  the 
Chehalis  and  Chinooks,  the  former  occupying  the 
country  of  Gray's  Harbor.  One  of  the  widest  dis- 
persed languages  was  the  Old  Chinook,  which  was 
spoken  as  far  up  the  Columbia  as  the  Dalles,  and 
among  the  Clatsops,  and  in  modified  form  by  the  Til- 
lamooks.  It  is  stated  by  Hale  that  many  of  the  wars 
and  troubles  among  the  different  nations  arose  from 
the  differences  in  languages;   members  of  different 


72  THE    GEOWTH    OP 

sections  meeting  casually  and  not  understanding  one 
another  often  fancied  by  resemblances  in  sounds  that 
some  slight  or  insult  was  intended  where  no  offense 
was  meant.  It  is  significant  of  the  character  of  the 
two  leading  tribes— Chinook  and  Cayuse— that  the 
name  of  the  former,  in  the  Chinook  jargon,  has  been 
extended  over  the  entire  coast  as  the  term  for  a  lan- 
guage, while  the  Cayuse  were  everj^where  known 
from  their  horses. 

It  should  not  be  thought  that  the  native  Indian 
languages  were  barren  or  poor  in  terms.  On  the 
contrary,  they  are  very  copious  and  highly  expres- 
sive. A  dictionary  of  the  Nez  Perce,  or  Nimipu,  con- 
tains over  nine  thousand  different  words,  and  the 
compiler  thinks  there  are  several  thousand  more.  A 
Chehalis  Indian  has  said  to  the  writer  that  in  his 
language  every  part  of  an  object  had  a  name ;  so  that 
by  one  word  each  portion  could  be  told,  as  of  a  tree 
from  roots  to  branch.  Hale  also  states  that  the  im- 
I)ression  that  Indians  talked  mostly  by  signs  and 
gestures  and  intonations  was  entirely  erroneous 
when  they  were  speaking  in  their  original  tongue; 
then  they  used  no  signs  or  gestures,  and  very  few 
inflections  of  the  voice.  This  would  show  that  they 
could  express  every  idea  exactly  by  distinct  words. 
Such  languages  would  show  a  long  period  of  develop- 
ment on  the  part  of  separate  tribes,  and  a  high  power 
of  observation  and  capacity  for  close  definition.  The 
disposition  to  preserve  each  tribe  for  itself  its  own 
hereditary  language  and  develop  no  common  tongue 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  73 

would  also  show  the  intense  spirit  of  independence, 
and  even  distrust  of  all  others,  that  is  indicated  in 
many  other  ways.  Indeed,  it  is  said  by  Gatschet, 
who  has  made  a  minute  study  of  the  language  and 
customs  of  the  Klamaths,  that  the  different  tribes 
each  regarded  itself  as  much  more  closely  related  to 
the  animals  than  to  one  another.  They  commonly  ap- 
plied terms  to  others  that  indicated  contempt  or  de- 
rision, as  dog  by  the  Nez  Perces  to  the  Pintes ;  and 
skunk  by  the  Klamaths  to  a  northern  tribe. 

The  language  now  universally  spoken  by  the  In- 
dians is  the  Chinook  jargon.  This,  as  stated  by  Hale 
and  Gibbs,  is  composed  of  the  Nootkan,  the  Chinook, 
and  some  words  of  French  and  English.  A  very  few 
words  by  direct  imitation  of  sounds,  as  poo,  or  poon, 
for  gun,  have  been  added.  By  far  the  greater  number 
are  Chinook,  and  this  fact  indicates  a  greater  adapta- 
bility of  thought  on  the  part  of  that  tribe  than  proba- 
bly belonged  to  any  other.  The  vocabulary  is  very 
meager,  but  since  1841,  when  Hale  first  observed  it, 
has  grown  from  about  250  to  500  words.  It  is  be- 
lieved by  Hale  that  this  has  been  a  great  civilizer  of 
the  Indians,  and  by  giving  them  a  common  tongue 
for  communication  has  taught  them  respect  for  one 
another.  It  probably  also  enabled  the  ambitious 
chiefs,  such  as  Kamiakin,  to  form  those  remarkable 
confederacies  of  tribes  that  for  a  time  threatened  the 
order  of  the  territory.  While  the  Indian  languages 
are  still  remembered  by  the  older  people,  many  have 
been  discarded,  the  Ca^mses  no  longer  using  their  na- 


74  THE    GEOWTH    OF 

tive  tongue,  but  adopting  the  Nez  Perce.  Tliis  lan- 
guage, also  called  the  Nimipu,  has  been  extended  by 
Nez  Perce  preachers  and  teachers  over  the  entire 
Rocky  Mountain  country,  and  will  probably  long  sur- 
vive as  a  spoken  and  written  language. 

The  origin  of  the  Indians  is  still  shrouded  in  mys- 
tery. From  their  old  and  strongly  diverse  languages, 
and  their  very  marked  mental  traits  and  physical 
mould,  one  might  think  that  they  came  from  different 
parts  of  the  world.  But  there  are  indications  that 
they  have  a  common  origin,  though  having  long  dwelt 
apart.  A  comparison  of  the  numerals,  for  instance, 
shows,  that  tribes  so  far  separated  as  the  Chinooks 
and  Spokanes,  or  the  Nez  Perces  and  Klamaths, 
counted  by  the  same  words.  A  comparison  of  their 
myths  also  shows  that  many  of  the  most  popular 
were  extended  as  far  as  from  the  Chehalis  to  the 
Klamaths,  the  Chinooks  to  the  Spokanes,  and  even 
from  the  Klamaths  and  the  Nez  Perces  to  the  Oma- 
has,  of  Nebraska.  All  the  languages,  also,  seem  to 
show  certain  common  mental  and  moral  character- 
istics, and  about  an  equal  stage  of  development  in 
the  scale  of  ethnology. 

It  is  not  inappropriate  to  notice  that  although  we 
use  the  common  expression  of  nearly  all  writers  in 
alluding  to  the  Indians  as  savages  and  inferior  to  the 
Mound  Builders  or  the  Aztecs  in  the  understanding 
of  the  arts;  or  that  they  were  not  civilized,  or  but 
very  little,  we  do  not  at  all  accept  these  terms  as  im- 
plying personal  inferiority  on  the  part  of  the  red 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  75 

race.    The  Indians  of  North  America  have  played  a 
vitally  important  part  in  the  making  of  our  nation, 
and  shaping  its  institutions.    Nowhere  has  this  been 
more  noticeable  than  in  Oregon.    The  very  fact  that 
they  were  not  a  civilized  race— using  the  term  strict- 
ly as  meaning  a  race  accustomed  to  city  life  and  its 
arts— made  of  them  a  people  much  more  useful  in  as- 
sisting the  settlement  and  in  influencing  the  mind  of 
the  present  American  people.    They  are  in  many  re- 
spects comparable  with  the  barbarians  of  Europe, 
who  at  last  overran  Italy,  and  who  gave  to  that  rem- 
nant of  the  Roman  Empire  the  Italian  Republics ;  or, 
to  the  Scythians,  whose  descendants  have  made  of 
Russia  a  modern  power.     Indeed,  a  noted  French 
writer,  in  describing  the  spirit  of  the  European  bar- 
barians as  constitutionally  for  liberty,  remarks  that 
he  finds  no  modern  parallel  of  this  spirit,  except  in 
that  of  the  American  Indians. 

While  practically  certain  that  the  Indians  of  Ore- 
gon, and  perhaps  all  the  hunting  tribes,  came  origi- 
nally from  some  part  of  Asia,  we  shall  look  in  vain 
for  any  definite  trace  of  such  a  migration  in  the  tradi- 
tions or  stories  of  the  Indians  themselves.  In  a  suc- 
ceeding chapter  we  shall  give  some  specimens  of  these 
traditions,  as  showing  the  ideas  of  the  Indian  and 
his  ways  of  reasoning  and  thinking,  and  we  shall 
then  see  why  we  cannot  look  for  history  there. 

Nevertheless  there  are  some  indications,  which  no 
people  can  entirely  avoid  leaving,  albeit  that  people 
is  one  so  crafty  and  secretive  as  the  Indian;    they 


76  THE    GROWTH    OF 

still  leave  their  trail.  Tlieir  silent  footsteps  will  iii 
due  time  be  traced  from  the  very  starting  point,  and 
the  history  of  discoveries  across  the  Pacific  will  at 
some  time  be  as  fully  known  as  those,  at  least,  of 
the  Norsemen  in  America,  and  the  Indian  race  will 
stand  with  its  native  di^nitv  before  the  mind  of  the 
world.  But  at  present  we  have  been  left  almost  en- 
tirely to  conjecture.  Some  of  the  vague  traditions  of 
the  tribes  of  their  western  origin  have  been  thought 
worthy  of  credit.  In  his  excellent  monogram  on  the 
language  of  the  Klamaths  and  Modocs,  Gatschet 
says  : 

'^  The  track  of  migrations  was  from  North  to 
South,  parallel  to  the  Pacific  Coast. ' ' 

The  prevailing  and  common  opinion,  based  almost 
entirely  upon  scientific  conjecture,  is  that  our  In- 
dians are  a  branch  of  the  Turanians,  or  Tartars,  of 
northern  Asia,  and  in  their  early  migrations  con- 
tinued moving  eastward  along  the  Pacific  Coast  of 
that  continent,  and  still  migrating  until  their  prog- 
ress was  arrested  at  Bering's  Straits.  But  finally  ac- 
quiring sufficient  skill  and  daring  to  cross  this  nar- 
row water,  they  at  length  landed  upon  American  soil, 
and  being  led  southward  by  the  same  migratory  in- 
stinct, coasted  down  the  Alaskan  region,  occupying 
island  and  shore  as  the  generations  continued,  and 
as  skill  increased  in  use  of  water  craft.  At  last  the 
forces  from  behind,  and  the  attractions  of  an  ever 
warmer  sun,  led  them  on  as  far  south  as  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia  River.     But  here  the  center  of  at- 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  77 

traction  varied,  and  pointed  east,  and  no  longer 
southward ;  the  Columbia  being  an  immense  river  of 
fresh  water,  swarming  at  different  seasons  with  fish 
sufficient  to  feed  an  immense  primitive  population. 
Moreover,  its  broad  reaches  offered  the  advantage  of 
waterway  connection  to  a  great  and  sunny  interior, 
attractive  as  an  elysian  to  the  coast  tribes,  who  al- 
though perfectly  hardy,  love  of  all  things  best  the 
warm  sunshine.  The  ocean,  moreover,  to  the  south 
of  the  Columbia  offered  no  sheltered  waterways,  such 
as  are  found  along  the  Alaskan  shore,  and  even  down 
to  the  Straits  of  Fuca,  but  from  thence  onward  there 
was  only  the  wide  open  sea,  often  swept  with  storms. 
From  the  mouth  of  the  river,  then,  as  a  new  starting 
point,  the  successive  immigrations  from  the  north 
turned  eastward,  every  new  or  ambitious  chief,  or 
any  defeated  and  worsted  party,  easily  striking  tent, 
or  taking  canoe  toward  the  lands  of  the  sunrise. 

This  is  the  common  and  popular  impression,  and 
is  found  in  almost  every  treatise  or  school  book  on 
the  subject  of  the  Indian's  origin  and  dispersion  over 
North  America.  So  high  an  authority  as  G.F.Wright, 
of  Oberlin,  0.,  who  made  a  survey  of  the  terminal 
moraine  of  the  great  North  American  glaciers,  con- 
siders this  the  probable  track  of  the  first  immigrants 
from  Asia.  It  has  also  been  suggested  that  the  first 
migrations— as  there  may  have  been  many  in  the 
course  of  time— were  made  at  so  early  a  date  that 
North  America  was  still  joined  by  land  with  Asia, 
the  straits  now  separating  the  two  continents  having 


78  THE    GROWTH   OF 

been  formed  by  a  subsidence  of  the  land  after  this 
historical  event.  Without  at  all  disturbing  this  popu- 
lar—or even  scientific— belief,  there  are  still  indica- 
tions that  there  were  other  routes  of  ingress  to 
America  from  the  west. 

The  assumption  upon  which  the  entire  hypothesis 
is  based  may  not  prove  correct:  That  is,  that  the 
migrations  into  America  should  have  followed  a  land 
route.  This  we  may  take  as  rather  a  presumption  of 
a  continental  people,  such  as  the  Americans  have  be- 
come ;  or  perhaps  an  idea  that  the  Indians  belonged 
to  a  race  incapable  of  sea-going ;  or  perhaps  the  still 
further  presumption  that  the  ancestors  of  the  Indians 
were  a  very  primitive  and  incapable  people,  and 
lacked  both  the  skill  and  courage  to  go  out  of  sight  of 
land.  All  these  presumptions  are  gratuitous,  and  fail 
of  justice  to  the  courage  and  ability  of  the  Indian  as 
we  know  him,  and  very  likely  to  his  ancestors.  If 
left  to  supposition  based  upon  the  present  character 
and  capacities  of  the  Indians  one  would  rather  im- 
agine that  they  sprung  from  a  sea-going  people,  and 
that  the  track  of  their  migrations  was  along  the 
shores  and  islands  of  Asia,  especially  of  Japan  and 
the  Kurile  group,  and  to  the  point  of  Kamtchatka, 
and  thence  by  the  Komandorski  Islands  and  the  Aleu- 
tian Archipelago,  to  the  mainland  of  America.  The 
northern  Indians,  and  indeed  all  the  coast  tribes, 
navigate  the  main  ocean  without  fear,  and  in  perfect 
security.  A  party  of  the  Clatsop,  or  Tillamook  In- 
dians, have  within  a  few  years  been  seen  to  launch 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  79 

a  canoe  from  the  ocean  beach,  paddle  to  Tillamook 
Eock  and  spear  seals,  and  return  with  perfect  suc- 
cess, affording— as  a  white  man  who  saw  the  feat 
said  of  it—'*  the  prettiest  sight  he  ever  saw."    The 
Indians  of  the  northern  coast  were  adepts  at  chasing 
and  spearing  the  whale  in  the  open  sea,  using  com- 
mon bone,  or  flint-tipped  spears  before  iron  was  ta 
be  had,  and  connecting  the  spear  by  a  line  with  a  seal- 
skin pad,  like  a  huge  bladder,  so  that  as  spear  after 
spear  was  lodged  in  the  monster  it  became  unable  to 
dive,  or  sound,  and  was  finally  exhausted  and  easily 
killed.    The  Indians  of  the  Columbia  made  it  a  regu- 
lar practice  to  pass  in  single  canoes,  mere  shells 
paddled  by  one  man,  from  the  Columbia  on  the  open 
sea  to  Shoal  "Water  Bay  or  Gray's  Harbor;   and  in 
the  larger  canoes  voyages  from  the  Columbia  were 
made  as  far  south  as  Yaquina  Bay.    If  then  the  an- 
cestors of  these  Indians  had  the  skill  of  the  present 
race— and  there  is  no  particular  reason  to   think 
otherwise— they  might  have  crossed  by  way  of  the 
chains  of  islands  in  latitude  50°,  or  55°. 

No  mention  need  be  made,  perhaps,  of  a  fortuitous 
passage  across  the  Pacific  to  America.  This  has  been 
a  favorite  supposition  with  some,  and  one  of  Ore- 
gon's authors,  Samuel  A.  Clarke,  has  written  a  poem, 
entitled  Champoeg,  tracing  out  in  a  somewhat  hu- 
morous vein,  the  adventures  of  a  Chinese  Mandarin 
across  the  Pacific.  This  is  based  to  some  extent  upon 
accounts  of  Tillamook  Indians  as  related  to  a  friend 
of  Mr.  Clarke's.    Within  historical  times  it  is  stated 


80  THE    GROWTH    OF 

that  a  Japanese  junk,  still  containing  three  survivors 
of  the  unintentional  voyage,  reached  the  shores  of 
California.  The  three  were  a  man,  a  woman,  and  a 
Buddhist  priest.  An  ingenious  writer  made  a  com- 
putation of  the  time  required  in  all  probability  to 
people  North  America  from  chance  voyagers  as  the 
above. 

A  trace  of  the  earliest  immigrations,  however, 
seems  as  possible,  if  not  probable  at  a  line  of  pas- 
sage much  to  the  south  of  any  of  the  above— either 
that  at  Bering's  Straits,  or  across  by  the  chain  of 
Kurile  and  Aleutian  Islands,  or  by  a  chance  pas- 
sage from  Japan.  This  is  merely  suggested  here,  as 
the  results  of  still  incomplete  investigations,  by  the 
writer,  and  is  rather  a  contribution  to  conjecture  in  a 
field  still  open.  Nevertheless  the  suggestion  is  not 
based  upon  conjecture,  but  upon  certain  peculiarities 
of  the  Indian  language,  especially  of  the  numerals, 
which  might  lead  in  competent  hands  to  a  consider- 
able understanding  of  the  origin  of  our  Indians. 

It  may  be  noticed  first  that  the  position  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  is  nearer  to  North  America  than 
to  the  continent  of  Asia  by  about  two  thousand  miles, 
and  nearer  than  to  Japan  by  twelve  hundred  miles. 
The  Hawaiian  group  is  also  nearly  two  thousand 
miles  from  the  nearest  of  the  Polynesian  Islands, 
and  nearly  three  thousand  from  the  Carolines  and  the 
Ladrones.  Yet  the  Hawaiian  group  was  populated 
by  a  very  enterprising  and  vigorous  race,  before  his- 
toric times,  and  undoubtedly  by  no  means  of  com- 


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AN   AMERICAN    STATE  81 

munication  except  by  water.  It  would  seem  most 
probable  that  the  first  immigrants  to  Hawaii  were 
from  the  southwest.  It  is  stated  by  Titus  Munson 
Coan,  M.D.,  of  Honolulu,  on  the  authority  of  Keane, 
that  the  Hawaiians  belong  to  a  race  whose  habitat 
is  in  the  southern  and  eastern  Pacific  Ocean,  occupy- 
ing Samoa,  Tahiti,  Tonga,  the  Marquesas,  Tuamota, 
and  other  groups,  including  New  Zealand,  and  also 
the  Hawaiian  Islands.  In  all  these  groups  and 
islands,  however,  widely  separated  geographically, 
we  find  a  people  essentially  one  in  blood,  usages, 
traditions,  and  religion.  Keane  describes  them 
as  one  of  the  finest  races  of  mankind,  consider- 
ing them  Caucasians  of  Indo-China  —  according 
to  the  older  description  of  the  human  races.  Lord 
George  Campbell,  who  also  saw  the  natives  of  Poly- 
nesia in  their  original  state,  describes  them  as  giving 
one  the  impression  of  a  race  naturally  superior  to 
our  own.  He  mentions  their  light  copper-brown 
colored  skins,  such  as  is  characteristic  of  our  Indians, 
though  their  hair,  unlike  the  Indians',  is  wavy  or 
curly,  and  in  some  groups  is  yellow. 

The  main  point  to  be  noticed  here,  however,  is  that 
this  race  was  able  to  become  dispersed  over  groups 
of  islands  as  far  apart  as  Hawaii  and  New  Zealand— 
a  distance  of  some  five  or  six  thousand  miles.  This 
was  over  the  surface  of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  in  native- 
made  canoes.  Some  two  thousand  miles  of  the  dis- 
tance traversed  by  the  immigrants  to  the  Hawaiian 
group  was  over  a  sea  unbroken  by  islands  that  reaches 

[Vol.  1] 


82  THE    GROWTH    OF 

from  the  Marquesas.  The  question  then  natural- 
ly arises,  why,  if  the  race  to  which  the  Hawaiians 
belonged  was  able  to  traverse  the  main  Pacific,  and 
reach  a  group  of  islands  two  thousand  miles  from 
any  others,  the  same  race  might  not  continue  sailing, 
and  by  dint  of  the  same  skill  traverse  also  the  two 
thousand  miles  to  the  coast  of  California!  More 
likely,  however,  the  prevailing  southerly  winds  of  the 
season  when  the  islanders '  canoes  could  make  head  at 
all,  would  drive  them  northerly,  landing  them  on  the 
coast  of  Oregon  or  AVashington,  or  still  higher.  In- 
deed, simply  calculating  the  chances  it  is  easily  seen 
that  canoes  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  which  are 
in  the  direct  track  of  the  southwest  winds  of  winter, 
which  blow  thence  with  increasing  violence  for  half 
the  year  across  the  northern  Pacific  to  Oregon  and 
Alaska,  would  be  much  more  likely  to  make  chance 
passages  across  the  two  or  three  thousand  miles  of 
water  thence,  than  would  chance  junks  from  Japan 
across  the  five  thousand  miles  of  breadth  of  the  North 
Pacific. 

A  possible  immigration  into  America  from  Poly- 
nesia and  Hawaii,  of  the  race  occupying  the  Pacific 
islands  is  hinted  at  also  in  some  of  the  peculiarities 
of  the  languages.  The  Indian  numerals  show  some 
singular  coincidences  with  those  of  the  island  peo- 
ples. There  are  resemblances  also  in  some  of  the 
most  general  of  the  Indian  myths.  This  line  of  in- 
quiry, however,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  thor- 
oughly investigated,  and  no  conclusions  should  yet 


AN   AMEEICAN   STATE  83 


be  drawn.  It  seems,  however,  to  be  generally  agreed 
that  our  hunting  tribes  were  of  Asiatic  origin,  from 
the  central  home  of  the  human  race,  and  were  not  de- 
veloped from  any  order  of  anthropoids  of  America. 
Whether  of  Tartar  origin,  or  of  the  race  that  occu- 
pied the  Pacific  islands,  their  ancestry  is  of  the  same 
sources  as  that  of  all  other  of  the  human  tribes,  and 
the  old  saying,  that  God  hath  made  of  one  blood  all 
the  races  of  men  that  dwell  upon  all  the  face  of  the 
earth,  seems  to  have  justification  among  the  natives 
of  North  America  as  well  as  elsewhere.  Their  well- 
developed  languages,  their  numerous  arts,  their  strict 
sense  of  justice,  their  intense  religious  convictions, 
their  extensive  legendary  lore,  and  their  love  of  lib- 
erty, show  them  also  to  be  of  the  same  mental  and 
moral  faculty  as  the  rest  of  mankind. 


CHAPTER  III 
Indian  Ideas  As  Illustrated  in  Their  Myths 


IN  succeeding  pages  the  various  Indian  charac- 
ters that  played  their  part  upon  the  historic 
scene  will  be  introduced  as  the  history  de- 
velops, but  as  we  wish  not  simply  to  see  them 
in  their  curious  forms,  or  in  either  their  good 
or  bad  actions,  but  desire  also  to  understand  why 
they  acted  as  they  did,  we  shall  be  well  rewarded  to 
stop  and  glance  at  their  ideas  and  manner  of  think- 
ing. As  the  man  thinks,  so  is  he,  is  an  old  saying, 
and  it  has  been  well  remarked  by  Gatschet  that  to 
learn  and  know  what  the  Indians  thought  was  more 
important  than  to  know  what  they  did. 

We  shall  find  the  Indian's  ideas  and  principles  and 
his  own  character  completely  set  forth  in  his  myths 
and  traditions.  They  show  also  very  exactly  his  de- 
gree of  development  in  the  social  scale.  They  are 
of  value  also  to  any  who  desire  to  understand  the 
manner  of  thinking  of  a  primitive  people  with  the 
purpose  of  educating  the  many  primitive  peoples  still 
in  the  world  who  must  share  the  advantages  and 
perils  of  the  white  man's  civilization.  If  a  more 
patient  and  intelligent  study  were  made  by  mission- 
aries and  teachers  of  what  the  savage,  or  little  devel- 
oped mind,  contains,  greater  success  would  follow 
the  attempt  to  impart  higher  truths.  Besides  this 
the  Indian  legends  are  not  without  educational  value. 
They  are  upon  an  exact  level  with  the  nursery  stories 
in  which  children  still  delight,  and  show  a  mental 
frame  of  about  the  same  stage  as  that  of  the  early 
Germanic  and  Scandinavian  tribes,  or  of  the  Greeks 


88  THE    GROWTH    OF 

before  the  times  of  Homer  and  ^sop.  Many  of  the 
tales  also,  told  in  original  Indian,  with  the  pictur- 
esqueness  of  a  long  developed  style,  would  compare 
well  with  the  fancies  of  the  Arabian  Nights.  They 
show  the  stage  of  thought  when  imagination  pre- 
dominates, reasons  are  found  in  resemblances  and 
nature  and  the  world  is  still  plastic  to  the  thought. 

We  shall  look  in  vain  in  these  stories  for  history. 
We  find  history  the  last  thing  that  a  primitive  people 
thinks  of.  Not  historical  events  and  the  plain  deeds 
of  men,  but  fancy  and  speculation,  and  the  activities 
of  nature  occupy  their  first  attention,  and  we  shall 
realize  that  history,  or  the  study  of  human  events,  is 
perhaps  the  very  last  result  in  the  development  of  a 
literature. 

It  should  first  be  noted  that  the  number  and  amount 
of  Indian  tradition  and  lore  is  simply  enormous. 
Indians  have  stated  to  the  writer  tliat  they  might 
talk  *  *  all  of  this  day,  and  all  the  next  day,  and  all  the 
day  after, ' '  and  yet  not  tell  all ;  and  that  the  stories 
never  did  end,  but  "  every  story  continued  down  to 
this  day  "—the  day  on  which  it  was  told.  And  after 
listening  to  their  tales  he  was  fully  convinced  that 
they  spoke  the  truth.  Any  idea  that  the  mind  of  the 
Indian  is  vacant,  or  that  he  thinks  of  nothing  in 
particular,  is  wholly  mistaken,  and  due  to  the  fact 
that  few  whites  have  taken  the  pains  to  learn  what 
the  Indian  thinks.  WTiile  the  Indian  is  an  actor,  and 
takes  delight  in  unceasing  motion,  such  as  run- 
ning, riding,  rowing  and  swimming,  he  is   also  a 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  89 


dreamer,  and  his  fondest  accomplishment  was  to  re- 
late the  tales  handed  down  from  his  fathers  and  add 
such  events  or  observations  as  brought  them  to  date. 
Here  was  the  secret  of  his  eloquence.    The  camp  fire 
and  the  council  hall  were  ever  the  center  of  his  inter- 
est, and  allowed  expression  to  his  inmost  nature. 
Here  the  scenes  of  the  chase  and  the  fight  were  re- 
counted, or  rather  re-enacted,  the  speaker  dramatiz- 
ing and  imitating  the  scenes  or  characters  as  he  went 
along,  reproducing  the  cries  of  animals,  and  repeat- 
ing the  threats  and  taunts  of  the  battlefield.    Here  he 
was  able  to  impress  himself  upon  the  listening  tribe, 
gain  the  admiration  of  the  young  men,  and  the  love 
of  the  women.     Here  he  also  repeated,  night  after 
night,  the  myths  of  the  tribe,  always  beginning  at  the 
beginning,  and  showing  his  shrewdness  or  wit  by 
making  such  additions  as  gained  the  applause  of  the 
listeners.     This  was  the  excitement  and  life  of  the 
long  evenings  in  camp,  and  afforded  no  small  mental 
culture  and  entertainment.    AVhile  crude  compared 
with   the   imaginative   composition   of   the   ancient 
Greek  poets,  who  traveled  from  place  to  place  recit- 
ing their  pieces,  or  with  the  bards  of  the  British  Is- 
lands, or  the  Minnesingers  of  medieval  Germany,  or 
the  scalds  of  the  Norsemen,  the  stories  and  recita- 
tions of  the  Indians  around  their  fires  were  of  the 
same  character,  and  to  no  small  degree  treated  of 
the  same  subjects.    As  Virgil  tells  of  the  poet  at  the 
banquet  of  ^Eneas  and  Dido—''  He  sings  the  wan- 
dering moon,  the  labors  of  the  sun,  and  whence  the 


90  THE    GROWTH    OF 

tribes  of  men  and  beasts  "—so  the  Indian  story  tell- 
ers concerned  themselves  mostly  with  nature  myths, 
describing  how  the  various  objects  in  their  country 
reached  their  present  condition  from  a  remote  past 
when  the  world  was  full  of  monsters  and  giants,  and 
all  things,  including  beasts  and  birds  and  fishes,  and 
even  such  natural  objects  as  rocks  and  trees  and  the 
mountains,  and  the  manifestations  of  nature  such  as 
thunder,  were  all  persons.  'As  we  shall  see  later  these 
myths  suffered  quite  a  considerable  development,  and 
were  verging  toward  true  history. 

In  this  chapter  will  be  given  a  number  of  stories 
illustrating  the  operation  of  the  Indians'  fancy  and 
reasoning  faculties,  and  having  the  further  value  of 
showing  incidentally  the  dispersion  of  the  Indians 
from  one  center.  They  also  are  undoubtedly  of 
primitive  origin,  without  admixture,  and  some  have 
been  told  to  the  writer  from  the  original  sources. 
While  making  no  claim  to  extensive  investigations  in 
tliis  interesting  field,  the  writer  still  feels  more  con- 
fidence in  the  large  number  of  myths  collected  by 
others  from  having  heard  some  of  the  stories  from 
the  Indians  themselves,  and  appreciates  much  more 
fully  the  force  of  thought  and  a  certain  animal  at- 
traction or  native  magnetism,  still  clinging  to  the 
narratives. 

The  first  is  a  very  common  account  of  one  of  the 
adventures  of  the  Coyote,  or  Tallapus,  the  hero  of 
the  Clatsops  and  Chi  nooks.  It  accounts  for  the 
names  of  the  birds,  and  the  creation  of  the  snail,  and 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  91 

also  inculcates  the  lesson  of  kindness  to  the  unfortu- 
nate. It  was  related  to  the  writer  by  an  educated 
gentleman,  Mr.  Silas  B.  Smith,  a  son  of  Celiast,  and 
grandson  of  Kobaiway,  the  Clatsop  chief  so  favor- 
ably mentioned  by  Lewis  and  Clark,  and  of  whom  we 
shall  hear  later.  Mr.  Smith,  whose  father  came  to 
Oregon  with  Nathaniel  J.  Wyeth  in  1832,  is  himself  a 
well  educated  lawyer,  having  studied  in  the  office  of 
Senator  Blair  in  New  Hampshire;  and  has  in  later 
years  taken  great  interest  in  the  traditions  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Oregon  Indians. 

The  second  story,  although  common  in  the  Clatsop 
or  Chinook  lore,  was  told  by  a  Chehalis  Indian,  as  re- 
lated by  his  mother  and  grandfather.  This  Indian, 
known  as  Sam.  Malette,  is  a  resident  of  South 
Bend,  AYashington,  and  is  now  a  man  seventy  years 
old.  He  is  still  vigorous,  however,  and  has  not  a 
gray  hair  in  his  head  or  in  his  beard— as  he  has 
adopted  the  white  man's  custom  of  cultivating  a 
beard.  He  is  a  pure  Indian,  his  father  having  been  a 
Chinook,  and  his  mother  a  Chehalis.  The  story  is  a 
Chehalis  legend. 

The  third  was  related  by  a  Nez  Perce,  James 
Grant,  of  Lapwai,  Idaho,  and  is  the  most  common, 
perhaps,  of  the  Nez  Perce  myths.  It  has  particular 
value  as  explaining  the  creation  of  mankind,  and  the 
various  tribes,  and  how  they  were  given  their  present 
characteristics.  It  was  also  told  the  writer  by  Miss 
Kate  C.  Macbeth, Presbyterian  missionary  at  Lapwai. 
James  Grant  is  a  robust,  portly  Indian,  of  consider- 


92  THE   GROWTH   OF 

able  education,  a  property  owner,  and  perhaps  fifty 
or  sixty  years  of  age. 

As  illustrating  these  three  characteristic  Indian 
stories  will  be  told  three  others :  One  the  Spokane 
version  of  the  Adventure  of  Tallapus ;  the  second,  a 
story  from  the  Klamaths;  and  the  third,  a  Ponca, 
or  Omaha  version  of  the  Nez  Perce  story.  The  Spo- 
kane story  was  told  by  Louis  Labonte,  also  on  his 
mother's  side  a  grandson  of  Chief  Kobaiway,  and  a 
son  of  Louis  Labonte  of  the  Astor  Expedition.  The 
Klamath,  or  Modoc,  story  is  from  the  collection  of 
Gatschet;  and  the  Omaha  story  from  a  collection 
published  in  1890  by  the  Smithsonian  Institute  under 
the  Geological  Survey  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 


STORY  OF  TALLAPUS  AND  THE  HOLLOW  CEDAR  TREE 

Once  Tallapus  was  traveling  from  the  country  of 
the  Tillamooks,  where  was  his  birthplace,  to  the 
country  of  the  Clatsops.  He  was  upon  his  usual 
mission  of  observing  all  the  objects  of  nature,  and 
especially  taking  notice  of  men.  He  was  the  friend 
of  mankind,  and  had  taught  them  many  useful  cus- 
toms and  had  given  laws  to  govern  their  conduct; 
but  very  frequently  was  obliged  to  punish  them  for 
their  folly  or  disobedience.  He  was  also  on  the  watch 
for  any  sport  or  amusement  that  he  might  chance 
upon,  for  although  on  the  whole  a  benevolent  and 
serious  being,  and  easily  grieved  b}^  the  vices  of  men. 


AN   AMEKICAN   STATE  93 

he  was  still  merry  and  full  of  little  tricks  and  wiles. 
He  had  assumed  the  form  of  the  coyote,  as  being 
perhaps  the  shrewdest  and  least  harmful  of  animals, 
and  already  possessing  a  language  that  men  seemed 
to  understand. 

In  this  particular  journey  he  was  obliged,  after 
passing  the  mountains  and  the  headlands  of  the 
coast,  to  follow  the  trail  through  the  deep  woods.  As 
he  was  slowly  traveling  along,  taking  notice  of  all 
things,  his  attention  was  arrested  by  the  sight  of  an 
immense  cedar  tree.  The  main  peculiarity  of  this 
tree  was  that  the  interior  was  hollow,  as  was  shown 
by  a  rift,  or  gap,  appearing  in  one  of  the  seams  of 
the  immense  trunk,  and  as  the  tree  swayed  in  the 
breeze  the  rift  opened,  much  like  a  door,  showing 
the  cavernous  interior.  Tallapus  was  much  inter- 
ested in  this  curious  tree,  with  the  hollow  inside,  and 
the  opening  and  closing  trunk,  and  thought  to  him- 
self that  here  was  a  chance  for  sport.  Crying  out 
then  ^'  Open  cedar  tree,"  and  the  tree  opening,  ho 
leaped  within,  and  called  again  ' '  Shut  cedar  tree  ' ' ; 
and  the  tree  shut.  It  was  indeed  very  amus- 
ing to  be  shut  as  if  grown  there  inside  the  tree, 
but  after  enjoying  the  novelty  for  a  time,  he 
thought  he  must  proceed  with  his  journey,  and 
called  upon  the  tree  to  open,  and  it  did  so.  But 
having  gone  out,  and  remembering  that  this  was  per- 
haps his  last  chance  with  the  queer  tree,  he  again  re- 
peated his  experiment,  and  did  so  again  and  again. 
Finally  concluding  that  his  journey  could  not  be 


94  THE    GROWTH   OF 

longer  delayed  for  sport,  he  determined  to  go  in  but 
once  more,  and  then  resmne  his  journey.  He  ac- 
cordingly went  in,  called  upon  the  tree  to  shut,  which 
it  did;  and  then  to  open,  which  it  did  not.  It  was 
unresponsive,  and  refused  to  obey. 

Tallapus  at  first  fell  into  a  rage,  but  as  this  did  no 
good,  and  he  could  not  either  pound  or  kick  a  way  out, 
he  at  last  began  to  think.  He  had  gotten  himself  into 
this  predicament  by  not  thinking;  he  must  now 
think  his  way  out.  As  the  result  of  his  reflections  he 
concluded  that  he  must  call  upon  the  birds  to  come 
and  release  him,  by  pecking  holes  into  the  tree.  He 
therefore  called  from  the  heart  of  the  tree,  and  in 
response  there  came  first  the  little  wren.  She  was 
unable,  however,  to  peck  into  the  tree,  and  only 
blunted  her  bill ;  and  Tallapus  gave  her  her  name,  and 
then  called  again.  Other  birds  heard  and  came  in 
due  order,  but  none  was  able  to  release  him;  and 
after  naming  them  he  sent  them  away  each  in  its 
order.  Finally  the  small  woodpecker  made  a  small 
hole  through  which  the  unfortunate  Tallapus  could 
peer,  but  by  no  means  pass  out.  He  gave  the  bird  a 
name,  however,  and  called  again.  The  big  wood- 
pecker, or  yellow  hammer,  then  came,  and  pecked  a 
large  hole,  but  still  wholly  inadequate  for  the  pur- 
pose. Tallapus  sent  the  bird  away  with  its  name,  but 
saw  that  there  was  no  further  help  from  the  birds. 
He  decided  therefore  to  resort  to  extreme  measures. 
He  would  take  himself  to  pieces,  and  place  the  parts 
outside  each  by  itself.    He  did  so,  and  in  short  time 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  95 

was  outside,  in  a  various  pile  of  members  on  the 
ground.  His  next  labor  was  to  put  himself  together 
again  in  proper  order.  This  he  succeeded  in  doing, 
except  that  he  found,  after  all  else  was  in  place,  that 
his  eyes  were  lacking.  A  raven  had  in  fact  seen  the 
eyes,  and  stealing  them  had  flown  away.  Tallapus 
was  therefore  blind. 

He  felt  greally  chagrined,  and  his  first  care  was  to 
conceal  his  loss.  Guided  by  the  odor  he  soon  was  led 
to  a  bunch  of  blooming  roses,  and  picking  some  of 
the  flowers,  placed  one  in  each  eye,  and  proceeded 
on  his  way;  being  obliged,  however,  to  feel  along 
on  the  ground.  He  was  soon  met  by  a  woman,  who 
seeing  a  blind  person  began  deriding  him,  and  re- 
marking "  Oh,  ho,  you  seem  to  be  pretty  badly 
blind !  "  he  replied  * '  Oh,  no ;  I  am  simply  measuring 
the  ground ;  I  can  see  better  than  you ;  I  can  see  the 
Tomaniwus  rays !  ' ' 

The  woman  was  greatly  astonished  that  he  could 
see  the  Tomaniwus  rays,  which  only  the  Tomaniwus 
men  could  see ;  and  exclaimed,  while  he  was  pretend- 
ing to  see  wonderful  things  at  a  great  distance, '  *  Oh, 
I  wish  I  could  see  the  Tomaniwus  rays." 

'*  Well,"  said  Tallapus  quickly,  ''  exchange  eyes 
with  me,  and  you  can  see  them. ' ' 

She  at  once  did  so,  giving  her  eyes,  while  he  gave 
her  the  useless  roses.  He  could  then  see  as  well  as 
ever,  while  she  could  see  nothing.  Then  Tallapus 
said:  "  For  your  folly  I  will  change  you  into  a 
snail,  which  must  creep  and  feel  its  way  on  the 


96  THE    GROWTH    OF 

ground."     From  that  time  there  have  been  blind 
snails,  feeling  their  way  along  the  earth. 


In  the  above  story  one  may  readily  see  the  many 
ways  in  which  the  fabulist  could  apply  a  moral.  The 
folly  of  Tallapus  himself  in  trusting  to  an  unknown 
tree,  but  his  cunning  in  getting  out,  would  suggest 
a  warning  against  going  into  tight  places  without 
thought,  but  the  necessity  of  reflection  if  once  en- 
trapped. The  names  given  the  birds  have  something 
of  a  scientific  basis,  the  various  species  being  named 
by  Tallapus  upon  the  shape  and  function  of  the  beak. 
The  women's  derision  of  Tallapus 's  misfortune,  and 
her  punishment,  would  teach  sympathy  rather  than 
scorn  of  the  unfortunate.  Another  Clatsop  legend 
of  the  Crane,  which  had  been  an  old  woman  who  was 
placed  away  by  her  children  to  die,  and  called  for 
water,  and  in  response  to  her  prayer  was  changed 
into  the  crane,  which  ever  after  had  all  the  water  it 
wanted,  is  also  calculated  to  teach  kindness. 


THE   STORY   OF   TSMPTSTSMPTS,    THE   CHEATCO,    AND 

OLD    THUNDER 

(A   Chehalis  Legend.) 

Tsmptstsmpts  was  the  youngest  of  five  brothers. 
He  was  made  the  drudge  of  them  all,  who  spent  their 
time  in  the  forest  and  along  the  streams,  hunting  elk 


AN   AMEKICAN    STATE  97 

or  fishing  trout,  wliile  he  was  compelled  to  work  all 
day,  either  in  the  woods,  or  in  the  lodge.  His  work 
was  chiefly  digging  the  roots  of  young  spruce  or 
cedar  trees,  and  shredding  these  into  fibers,  out  of 
which  he  made  twines,  such  as  the  people  used  for 
making  nets  to  catch  fish.  He  also  had  to  take  care 
of  the  two  dogs,  and  watch  them  at  home. 

Although  skillful  and  industrious  at  home,  Tsmpts- 
tsmpts  was  very  curious  to  see  and  know  of  the  great 
world  without,  and  felt  very  lonesome  as  he  worked 
in  the  forest  while  his  brothers  were  gone.  He  there- 
fore spent  much  of  his  time  singing  or  rather  crying 
out,  and  making  a  refrain  telling  how  he  wished  that 
somebody  would  come.  This  song  was  heard  some- 
times by  his  brothers  as  they  returned  from  the  hunt, 
and  he  was  repeatedly  warned  that  if  he  continued 
calling  for  some  one  that  the  Giants  would  hear,  and 
actually  come  to  the  lodge  and  eat  them  all.  But  the 
boy  always  denied  that  he  made  any  such  invitations ; 
yet  secretly  wished  that  even  the  giants  might  come, 
so  that  he  might  see  somebody,  and  all  the  more 
loudly  called  while  his  brothers  were  absent. 

At  length  the  giant  indeed  came.  He  was  from 
the  country  far  to  the  east  and  north,  across  the  hills. 
He  was  a  Cheatco— from  the  place  now  called  Seatco, 
Avhich  is  a  softened  form  of  the  same  word.  It  was 
just  at  dusk  that  he  arrived,  and  the  brothers  had  but 
returned  from  their  sport,  and  Tsmptstsmpts  from 
his  work.  The  giant  was  a  fearful  looking  creature, 
being  of  so  large  a  stature  as  to  make  it  impossible 

[Vol.  11 


98  THE    GROWTH    OF 

for  him  to  enter  the  house  through  the  ordinary  door, 
or  rather  manhole  that  served  the  purpose  of  a  door 
in  Indians '  houses.  He  was  uncouth  in  his  form,  and 
carried  a  large  club,  or  cane,  made  of  decaying  wood 
(the  Clatsops  say  of  dead  men's  bones).  But  what 
made  him  more  fearful  was  the  strands  or  shreds  of 
human  hair  that  protruded  from  his  mouth,  being 
knotted  in  his  teeth.  These  were  the  renmants  of 
former  repasts.  The  Cheatco  was  evidently  a  man- 
eater. 

Although  much  afraid  the  four  brothers  of  Tsmpts- 
tsmpts  bade  the  giant  enter  their  house,  and  took  out 
one  of  the  large  planks  of  the  wall  to  accommodate 
his  huge  body.  He  accepted  their  hospitality  with- 
out more  ado  and  immediately  began  eating  all  there 
was  in  the  house.  Tsmptstsmpts  affected  great  sim- 
plicity, and  as  if  but  an  unmannerly  boy,  as  his 
stunted  figure  indicated,  he  cried  out  at  intervals  to 
the  giant,  ''  Shut  your  dirty  mouth."  After  finally 
watching  the  giant  dispose  of  the  last  bite  of  food, 
he  said,  "  What  will  you  eat  next?  "  ''I  will  eat 
your  blankets, ' '  said  the  giant,  referring  to  the  skins 
of  animals  upon  which  they  slept.  The  boy  then 
made  his  usual  saucy  retort,  or  hoot,  ''  Shut  your 
dirty  mouth,"  and  busied  himself  about  the  house. 
However,  the  next  day  the  giant  began  on  the  skins, 
and  after  devouring  a  part  of  them,  and  being  asked 
again  what  he  would  eat  next,  replied,  ''  I  will  eat 
you. ' '  The  boy  made  his  usual  response,  but  at  night 
when  the  giant  wished  one  of  the  brothers  to  sleep 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  99 


with  him,  readily  agreed  to  do  so.  He  told  his 
brothers  that  when  the  giant  was  ready  to  capture 
and  devour  them  he  would  cry  out  as  usual.  They 
must  be  prepared,  and  instead  of  sleeping  be  on  the 
watch ;  they  must  also  place  sticks  of  wood  in  their 
beds,  so  as  to  deceive  the  Cheatco,  and  be  ready  to 
escape  through  an  opening  under  the  side  of  the 
house. 

At  the  time  anticipated  Tsmptstsmpts  saw  the 
giant  awake,  and  he  made  his  usual  cry,  and  the 
brothers  hearing  slipped  away,  escaping  in  a  hole 
outside  and  running  off;  while  the  rather  stupid 
giant  sprang  upon  and  seized  the  sticks  of  wood.  He 
was  at  first  disconcerted,  and  Tsmptstsmpts  taking 
the  two  dogs,  the  younger  of  which  was  named 
Elalskit,  and  the  older,  Solee,  also  made  his  escape 
—first,  however,  directing  the  giant  in  the  op- 
posite direction  from  that  taken  by  the  brothers.  In 
the  course  of  time,  however,  he  found  their  tracks, 
and  was  not  long  in  overtaking  Tsmptstsmpts,  who 
started  last,  and  also  was  obliged  to  carry  the  dogs. 
The  lad  saw  that  he  must  soon  be  captured  unless 
he  contrived  some  way  of  hindering  the  giant,  and 
decided  to  sacrifice  one  of  the  dogs.  Throwing  down 
the  younger  he  cried  at  the  same  time,  ' '  Rise  up  my 
earth!  "  and  as  the  dog  was  let  fall  the  earth  rose, 
forming  a  hill,  called  to  this  day  Elalskit,  after  the 
dog.  Being  met  by  the  rising  earth  the  giant  was 
thrown  back  and  tumbled  on  the  ground  and  made 
many  ineffectual  attempts  to  pass  over,  being  hurled 


100  THE    GROWTH   OF 

back  even  as  the  waves  are  now  thrown  back  and 
are  unable  to  surmount  the  cliifs  of  El^lskit.  But 
in  the  course  of  time  he  gained  his  point,  and  at 
length  was  near  overtaking  Tsmptstsmpts  once  more. 
The  lad  saw  that  he  must  sacrifice  the  other  dog,  and 
throwing  down  Solee  said,  "  Eise  up  my  earth!  " 
No  sooner  had  the  older  dog  touched  the  ground  than 
this  rose  up  forming  the  Solee  hills,  to  the  eastward 
of  the  other  ridge,  and  much  higher.  With  this  the 
giant  was  left  to  struggle,  while  Tsmptstsmpts  ran 
on,  and  following  the  steps  of  his  brothers  came  to 
the  end  of  the  land,  the  long  sandy  tract  that  termi- 
nates at  the  channel  now  forming  the  entrance  to 
Shoalwater  Bay.  Here  he  overtook  the  four  who 
had  preceded  him,  but  were  unable  to  cross  the  water. 
The  usual  means  of  crossing  was  by  the  old  ferry- 
man, who  lived  on  the  other  side,  or  the  north  shore. 
His  name  was  Thunder.  His  occupation  was  whale 
fishing,  and  at  that  moment  he  could  be  seen  at  his 
work,  knitting  the  nets  which  he  used  for  his  traps. 
He  had,  however,  made  no  answer  to  the  cries  of  the 
four  brothers. 

Tsmptstsmpts  began  calling,  as  the  others  had 
done,  saying  first,  ' '  Oh,  grandfather,  take  us  over, ' ' 
but  getting  the  gruff  answer,  "  I  have  no  grand- 
sons ";  and  then,  "  Oh,  uncle,  take  us  over,"  but 
getting  only  the  retort,  "  I  have  no  nephews."  But 
Tsmptstsmpts,  who  had  providently  carried  on  his 
shoulder  the  skein  of  twine  that  he  had  been  weav- 
ing, held  it  up  and  said,  "  I  will  give  you  this  if  you 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  101 

will  take  us  over. ' '  By  this  Old  Thunder  was  at  once 
moved;  he  was  just  out  of  twi<lieand  needed  more 
for  his  whale  trap  nets.  Coming  down  to  the  shore 
immediately  he  thrust  out'hrsUeg^  whic4i  was'- his 
means  of  crossing  people  over  the  strait,  and  extend- 
ing it  all  the  way  over,  allowed  the  five  refugees  to 
skip  to  the  north  shore  without  loss  of  time.  Thun- 
der receiving  the  skein  of  twine  was  now  in  good 
humor,  and  bade  them  welcome  to  his  house. 

They  were  not  too  soon,  for  now  the  Cheatco,  hav- 
ing at  length  surmounted  the  upheaval  of  the  earth, 
which  had  formed  the  Solee  hills,  appeared  on  the 
south  shore,  and  called  to  be  set  across.  Thunder 
was  at  first  a  little  dubious  about  allowing  him  to 
come,  suspecting  that  the  stick  he  carried  was  en- 
chanted or  unclean;  but  warning  the  giant  not  to 
touch  his  body  at  length  thrust  out  his  leg  as  before, 
and  upon  this  the  Cheatco  began  his  passage.  But 
well  out  over  the  boiling  waters,  swirling  with  a 
strong  ebb  tide  to  sea,  he  felt  somewhat  unsteady, 
and  forgetting  Thunder's  warning  thrust  down  his 
stick;  but  the  moment  this  touched  Thunder's  leg 
the  member  was  withdrawn,  and  the  offending  giant 
was  precipitated  into  the  waves.  As  he  was  carried 
out  into  the  breakers  Thunder  called  to  him,  "  Oh, 
wicked  Cheatco,  long  enough  have  you  been  going 
abroad  eating  men.  You  shall  do  so  no  more;  but 
must  ever  live  in  the  sea.  When  the  weather  will 
be  stormy  you  must  go  far  south  and  roar— roaring 
for  stormy  weather;   when  the  weather  will  be  fair 


102  THE    GROWTH    OF 

you  must  go  north  and  roar,  roaring  for  fair  weather 
to  let'  the"  people  klicw;;  and  when  the  weather  is 
about  to  change  from  stormy  to  fair,  you  must  come 
up  nodr  liid  ronr,  tc'  let  the  people  know  that  the 
weather  will  soon  change  from  stormy  to  fair." 

This  has  been  the  case  ever  since.  The  giant 
Cheatco  has  never  since  roamed  abroad,  but  roars  in 
the  sea,  letting  the  people  know  how  the  weather  will 
be.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  Indians  follow  the  in- 
dications of  the  surf,  Malette,  indeed,  telling  this 
story  in  order  to  tell  how  the  Indians  knew  when  it 
was  safe  to  venture  out  on  the  ocean.  They  take  the 
warnings  of  the  surf,  either  from  the  south  or  north. 

This  is  more  purely  a  nature  myth  than  the  pre- 
vious one.  It  gives  a  reason  for  the  rocky  headland, 
which  is  the  north  spur,  or  head,  of  Cape  Disappoint- 
ment, and  why  it  looks  like  a  dog ;  and  also  the  shape 
and  larger  dimensions  of  the  Chinook  hills,  being 
formed  of  the  upheavings  of  the  older  dog.  It  ac- 
counts for  the  monstrous  size  of  the  primitive  beings, 
the  giant  being  large  enough  to  have  the  voice  of  the 
surf,  but  still  inferior  to  the  thunder,  by  which  he 
was  relegated  to  the  sea,  and  made  subservient  to 
human  uses.  Still  more  the  small  and  unpromising 
lad,  Tsmptstsmpts,  who,  however,  had  more  shrewd- 
ness than  the  others,  and  outwitted  the  giant,  illus- 
trated the  constant  theme  of  the  Indian  and  all  other 
mythologies;  that  thought  was  more  than  an  equal 
for  mere  size  and  strength.  The  sort  of  thought  dis- 
played was  not  of  the  highest  order,  but  under  later 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  103 

refinements  migiit  have  developed  sncli  a  character 
as  ^Eschylus  delineates  in  "  Prometheus  Chained." 

The  above  is  but  the  beginning  of  a  long  and,  on 
the  whole,  rather  shrewd  series  of  adventures  of  the 
five  brothers.  Tsmptstsmpts,  indeed,  soon  ended  his 
career,  in  his  curiosity  falling  over  the  headboard  of 
Old  Thunder's  bedstead,  and  descended  into  the 
other  world— this  board  being  no  other  than  a  cliff 
by  the  seashore;  however,  he  by  no  means  lost  his 
life,  but  lives  as  a  god  in  the  region  of  shades.  The 
other  brothers  then  undertook  their  travels,  being 
at  the  house  of  the  crane,  the  eagle,  and  the  sea  otter, 
when  those  animals  were  yet  persons  and  giants; 
and  one  after  another  of  them  dying  from  eating  for- 
bidden lizards  or  snakes,  which  were  offered  them 
at  the  giants '  houses ;  until  all  had  died  but  the  oldest 
one.  He  was  finally  received  at  the  house  of  another 
one  of  the  Thunders,  and  married  the  daughter ;  and 
here  a  new  series  of  characters  and  adventures  be- 
gins; the  mother-in-law,  the  Tideland  Snipe,  at- 
tempting to  eat  out  the  heart  of  the  young  man  with 
her  long  nose,  or  beak,  as  afterwards  made ;  and  even 
the  Thunder  attempting  to  kill  him;  but  the  secret 
plottings  of  both  were  frustrated  by  the  young  wife, 
or  by  the  Mink,  who  proved  to  be  the  young  man's 
half-brother,  and  a  very  cunning  fellow. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  here  that  the  number  of  broth- 
ers, five,  is  characteristic  of  all  the  Indian  mytholo- 
gies—as Gatschet  remarks— and  indicates  the  qui- 
nary origin  of  their  numerals,  five  being  the  sign  of 


104  THE    GROWTH   OF 

completeness;  and  that  the  Thunders  are  favorite 
characters  in  Indian  stories  even  to  the  Missouri, 
and  probably  much  farther  east.  A  Ponca  story  tells 
of  the  young  chief  who  roused  from  his  lethargy  and 
traveled  until  he  came  to  the  place  where  the  sky 
comes  down  on  the  earth.  He  there  found  one  of  the 
Five  Thunders,  who  was  white-headed,  and  succeed- 
ed in  killing  him  and  taking  his  scalp,  and  afterwards 
of  the  four  others,  the  hair  of  one  of  which  was 
black,  another's  green,  and  another's  red,  and  the 
other's  blue. 


STORY     OF     THE     COYOTE     AND     THE     MONSTER     OF 

KAMIAH 

The  following  is  the  story  from  the  Nez  Perce,  and 
is  quite  different  from  the  preceding. 

There  was  originally  a  great  monster  that  lived  in 
the  country  of  the  Kamiah,  in  central  Idaho,  the 
country  of  the  Nez  Perces.  It  had  no  need  of  going 
abroad  from  place  to  place  to  hunt  its  prey,  but  only 
to  sit  still  and  draw  all  that  lived  into  its  maw.  It 
had  an  irresistible  breath,  and  caused  the  wind  to 
come  from  the  east  or  north,  or  west  or  south,  and 
with  it  came  the  various  tribes  of  animals— at  that 
time  hardly  properly  animals,  yet  not  men  either. 
They  were  like  men,  however,  in  being  able  to  talk, 
and  even  having  the  use  of  fire. 

The  Coyote,  seeing  the  ravages  of  the  monster,  and 
being  grieved  for  the  misery  that  was  brought  upon 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  105 

the  races  of  living  tilings,  decided  to  attempt  its  de- 
struction. He  first  went  far  away  to  the  tops  of  the 
AVallowa  Mountains  to  test  the  strength  of  his  breath. 
Rising  up  like  the  tiniest  spear  of  grass  in  the  dis- 
tance he  blew  a  shrill  challenge  to  the  Kamiah  mon- 
ster ;  who  at  first  did  not  see  him,  but  at  length  with 
a  telescopic  sort  of  vision  descried  his  little  figure, 
and  at  once  began  drawing  the  air  inward.  But  as 
had  never  before  happened,  the  Coyote  did  not  come. 
''  Ungh,  he  is  a  big  medicine,"  said  the  monster. 
The  Coyote  then  went  to  the  top  of  the  Seven  Devils, 
somewhat  nearer,  and  there  blew  a  whistle,  and  the 
monster  again  drew,  but  this  time  also  failed  to  bring 
the  audacious  Coyote.  "  He  is  a  very  big  medicine, ' ' 
he  said  once  more.  The  Coyote  then  came  much 
nearer,  to  the  top  of  the  Salmon  River  Mountains, 
and  again  made  his  challenge.  The  monster  again 
attempted  to  draw  him,  but  again  failed.  ''  This  is 
a  very  strong  medicine,"  he  repeated  once  more. 
The  Coyote's  ''  medicine,"  however,  was  no  more 
than  a  coil  of  grass  rope  with  which  he  had  tied  him- 
self to  the  mountain— illustrating  forethought. 

Being  satisfied  now  that  he  had  frightened  the  mon- 
ster, and  that  he  might  dare  to  descend  into  his  in- 
teriors, the  Coyote  went  to  his  friend  Kots-kots,  the 
fox,  and  asked  his  advice.  The  fox  furnished  him 
with  five  knives,  and  advised  that  he  go  and  demand 
entrance  into  the  mouth  of  the  destroyer.  This  was 
asked,  but  refused,  as  the  monster  was  now  fearful 
of  the  Coyote's  medicine.    But  seizing  a  favorable 


106  THE    GROWTH    OF 

opportunity  the  latter  entered,  and  began  his  descent 
into  the  cavernous  interiors,  where  all  living  things 
had  been  drawn  heretofore.  He  was  shocked  at  the 
miserable  appearance  of  the  peoples  here,  who  were 
in  all  stages  of  emaciation  from  the  tolerably  fair 
condition  of  those  just  come,  to  the  mere  skeletons 
wrapjjed  with  parchment  skins  of  those  long  there. 
They  were  also  in  gloom  and  cold,  and  huddled  to- 
gether as  if  in  fear,  and  seldom  speaking. 

He  asked  first  why  they  did  not  make  themselves 
comfortable,  and  pointed  upward  to  the  lobes  of  fat 
that  surrounded  the  monster's  vitals,  and  began  to 
rub  sticks  to  make  a  fire.  He  soon  succeeded,  and 
cutting  flitches  of  fat  fed  the  flames,  and  the  heat 
soon  rendered  more,  which  burned  brightly,  and  the 
people  began  to  look  somewhat  more  cheerful.  But 
now  gathering  ud  his  five  knives  he  ascended  the 
giant's  interiors,  reaching  at  last  the  heart.  The  fox, 
Kots-kots,  was  also  sent  to  assemble  all  the  people 
at  the  openings  of  the  monster's  body,  and  when  his 
heart  was  cut  away,  and  fell,  they  must  rush  to  the 
sunshine. 

The  monster  had  no  way  of  preventing  Coyote 
going  on  with  his  work,  but  as  ligament  after  liga- 
ment was  severed  it  groaned  and  swayed  from  side 
to  side.  '^  Oh,  oh,  Coyote  is  a  great  medicine,"  it 
said.  "  Yes,"  replied  the  Coyote,  ''  and  I  do  not 
whine  when  I  am  hurt,"  and  kept  on  cutting.  It  was 
no  light  task  to  sever  the  heart  from  the  body,  and 
knife  after  knife  was  worn  back  to  the  handle;   the 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  107 

fifth  was  nearly  gone,  when  the  last  fastening  was 
loosened,  and  the  heart  dropped,  and  the  monster  fell 
lifeless.  At  the  same  time  the  people  escaped  to  the 
air  and  sunshine,  and  began  roaming  off.  "  Wait," 
said  the  Coj^ote,  ''  and  I  will  show  you  a  last  won- 
der." Then  he  began  dividing  the  monster  into 
pieces.  *'  Of  these,"  he  said,  "  I  will  make  a  new 
race,  to  be  called  mankind."  Casting  a  portion  to 
the  north,  which  was  cut  from  the  head,  he  formed 
the  Flat  Head  nation.  The  feet  he  cast  to  the  east, 
making  the  Blackf  oot  people.  Other  portions  he  cast 
into  other  quarters,  until  all  were  cast  away  except 
the  heart. 

''  See  this  beautiful  valley  of  the  Lapwai,"  now 
said  Kots-kots,  the  fox ;  ' '  You  have  made  races  for 
all  parts  of  the  earth,  except  for  the  country  of  the 
Clearwater."  '^  Bring  me  some  water,"  said  the 
Coyote,  and  taking  the  water,  and  mingling  with  it 
the  blood  from  the  heart  of  the  monster,  he  sprinkled 
the  drops  over  the  valley  of  the  Clearwater,  and  from 
them  came  up  the  Nez  Perce  people.  As  for  the  heart 
of  the  monster,  which  the  Coyote  cut  away,  it  is  still 
in  the  country  of  the  Kamiah,  in  its  proper  size  and 
shape,  being  now  a  heart-shaped  hill  in  the  middle  of 
the  valley. 


STORY    OF    SINCHALEEP. 


The  Spokane  stor)-  hardly  need  be  related  in  full, 
as  it  is  very  much  like  the  story  from  the  Clatsops 


108  THE    GROWTH    OF 

of  Tallapus  and  the  cedar  tree.  It  is  al^so  of  the 
Coyote,  called  Sinchaleep  by  the  Spokanes.  There  is 
quite  a  long  introductory  part.  Sinchaleep  once 
started  out  for  a  journey,  and  in  order  to  make  him- 
self attractive  combed  his  hair  and  painted  his  face, 
and  put  on  his  best  manners.  Becoming  hungry,  and 
at  length  meeting  three  women  who  had  food  and 
dainties  in  their  baskets  he  addressed  them  and  said, 
"  Sit  down,  sisters,  and  I  will  sing  to  you  and  tell 
stories."  This  he  did  so  pleasantly  that  when  he 
stopped  and  asked, ' '  What  have  you  in  your  baskets, 
sisters?  "  they  at  once  uncovered  their  dainties  and 
gave  him  a  portion.    He  thanked  them  and  went  on. 

But  feeling  hungry  again  soon,  he  contrived  how  to 
meet  them  once  more.  Going  to  a  spring  and  wash- 
ing, and  then  painting  and  combing  his  hair  differ- 
ently he  took  a  circle,  and  met  them  again.  ^'  Sit 
down,  sisters,"  he  said  as  before,  ''  and  I  will  sing 
and  tell  stories."  The  result  was  the  same,  and  he 
performed  the  manoeuvre  a  number  of  times,  until 
at  last  the  women  suspected  that  this  was  no  other 
than  Sinchaleep  himself.  Seeing  that  he  was  dis- 
covered he  then  went  to  the  hills,  and  finding  a  place 
in  a  hollow  tree  went  to  sleep.  But  the  tree  closed 
and  he  was  shut  in,  being  obliged  to  remain  until  the 
autumn  and  winter  were  passed,  and  the  spring  flow- 
ers bloomed. 

Then  follows  the  story  of  calling  the  birds,  his  re- 
lease, loss  of  eyes,  and  his  subsequent  groping  on  the 
ground.     He  smelled  the  roses  and  filled  his  eyes, 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  109 

and  thus  adorned  felt  and  smelled  liis  way,  being  led 
at  length  by  the  odor  of  smoke  to  the  house  of  some 
women.  By  them  he  was  derided,  and  his  movements 
in  feeling  along,  and  guiding  himself  by  the  side  of 
the  house,  were  only  provocative  of  their  laughter. 
But  he  spoke  at  length  of  seeing  a  fire  so  far  off  that 
their  eyes  could  not  discover  it;  and  from  this,  one 
was  willing  to  exchange  her  eyes  for  his  roses,  and 
then  for  her  folly  she  was  changed  into  a  snail. 

From  the  adaptations  of  the  above  story  to  the 
local  surroundings,  that  the  Coyote  went  into  the 
roots  of  the  tree  rather  than  the  hollow  cedar,  and 
stayed  all  winter,  and  that  it  was  a  distant  fire  that 
he  saw,  as  one  might  in  an  open  country,  and  not  the 
"  Tomaniwus  rays  "—the  spiritual  lights— and  the 
whole  manner  being  that  of  a  different  scene,  we  may 
think  this  a  genuine  Spokane  version;  but  the  close 
resemblance  to  the  Clatsop  story  shows  that  the  two 
peoples  had  a  comparatively  recent  connection. 

The  following  stor}',  or  rather  condensation  from 
the  story  in  full,  is  from  the  Klamath,  and  the  re- 
semblance with  the  Chehalis  story  of  Tsmptstsmpts, 
and  the  Cheatco,  will  at  once  be  noticed. 


THE    BEAR    AXD    THE    ANTELOPE 

The  Old  Grizzly  and  the  Old  Antelope  lived  to- 
gether in  the  same  house,  or  lodge,  and  each  had  two 
children. 


110  THE    GROWTH    OF 

One  morning  early  the  two  mothers  went  out  to 
dig  ipo  roots.  The  Antelope  was  very  industrious 
and  soon  iilled  her  basket,  but  the  Grizzly  gathered 
none,  but  ate  them  as  fast  as  she  found  them.  Then 
they  went  home,  and  fed  their  young  ones.  The 
next  day  it  was  the  same,  except  that  the  bear  gath- 
ered a  very  few  of  the  roots.  She  felt  some  concern 
for  her  cubs,  however,  and  gave  them  strict  orders 
not  to  hurt  themselves  playing  while  she  was  absent. 
"  You  must  not  slide  down  the  lodge  poles,"  she 
said,  ''  for  fear  of  making  your  hearts  loose;  you 
must  not  jump  over  logs  for  fear  of  being  pierced 
by  sharp  sticks  on  the  other  side ;  and  you  must  not 
dive  in  the  water  for  fear  of  being  drowned. ' ' 

The  third  day  when  she  went  with  the  Antelope 
to  gather  roots,  she  got  a  few  more  for  herself,  but 
began  conjuring  how  she  might  kill  her  partner  and 
not  only  take  her  basket  of  nuts,  but  also  eat  her 
flesh.  Pretending  that  she  had  vermin,  and  having 
the  Antelope  bite  her  neck,  she  then  pretended  that 
there  were  vermin  on  the  Antelope,  and  biting  her 
neck  accomplished  her  base  design.  The  Antelope 
was  killed,  and  cut  into  pieces,  and  a  part  taken  home 
and  eaten.  But  the  young  antelopes  suspecting  what 
was  wrong  refused  to  eat  the  meat,  and  began  con- 
triving how  to  take  revenge. 

A^Hien  the  Grizzly  had  gone  again,  under  pretense 
of  seeking  the  old  Antelope,  the  young  antelopes  be- 
gan asking  the  bear  cubs  to  play  games.  The  cubs 
refused  to  play  slide  down  the  lodge  poles,  or  to  jump 


AN    AMEKICAN    STATE  111 

over  logs,  or  to  dive  under  the  water ;  but  when  the 
young  antelopes  proposed  playing  "  Smoke  out," 
there  seemed  to  be  no  objection,  as  this  had  not  been 
forbidden.  The  wood  necessary  for  a  smudge  was 
then  gathered,  and  by  turns  some  of  the  young  play- 
ers went  into  the  lodge,  and  were  smudged  until  they 
could  not  longer  endure  it,  and  then  were  let  out  by 
the  others  outside  uncovering  the  lodge.  But  when 
the  time  came  for  both  the  cubs  to  be  smoked  out, 
and  when  they  were  ready  to  smother,  the  young 
antelopes  outside  would  not  uncover  the  lodge,  and 
the  two  cubs  were  killed  indeed.  They  were  then 
painted  red  and  hung  up  to  the  lodge  poles,  as  the 
flesh  of  the  Old  Antelope  had  been.  The  young  ante- 
lopes then  told  each  article  in  the  house  not  to  re- 
port what  had  happened,  and  fled.  They  forgot, 
however,  to  speak  to  the  bone  awl,  sticking  in  the 
ceiling. 

When  the  Old  Grizzly  returned  she  saw  first  the 
paint  had  been  wasted,  and  then  that  her  cubs  had  been 
killed.  She  at  once  called  to  the  young  antelopes, 
and  got  responses,  ^'  Yes,  here  we  are,"  both  inside 
and  outside  the  house.  But  these  were  simply  the 
various  articles  about  the  house,  answering  for  the 
children.  Then  the  bone  awl  spoke,  and  said, ' '  They 
have  been  gone  long  ago. ' '  The  awl  also  showed  the 
Grizzly  the  place  where  they  had  gone  out  of  the 
lodge,  and  had  filled  it  up  with  coal  after  them. 

Through  this  very  place  the  Grizzly  at  length  suc- 
ceeded in  passing,   saying,   '^  Rotten  wood,   rotten 


112  THE    GROWTH    OF 

wood  breaks  through."  She  pursued  the  children 
until  coming  at  last  to  a  cave.  Into  this  she  went  and 
slept ;  but  tlie  young  antelopes  were  also  there  hid- 
ing. The  older  one  woke  up  the  younger,  and  said 
they  must  escape,  and  they  did  so,  going  X3ast  the 
bear  while  she  slept,  but  first  throwing  sticks  into 
her  eyes  to  see  if  she  were  soundly  and  truly  asleep. 
Having  made  good  their  escape  the  young  ante- 
lopes then  called  upon  tlie  Old  Crane,  who  was  out  in 
the  water  catching  minnows  with  a  gig  net.  They 
wished  to  be  placed  across  the  water,  and  as  the 
Crane  did  this,  they  told  him  of  the  loss  of  their 
mother,  and  the  pursuit  of  them  by  the  bear.  The 
Crane  was  very  indignant  and  cried,  ''  Lake  water, 
lake  water. ' '  The  young  antelopes  were  hardly  well 
out  of  the  way,  however,  before  the  Old  Grizzly  ap- 
peared, and  called  to  the  Old  Crane  to  put  her  also 
across  the  water.  The  Crane  objected  at  first,  say- 
ing he  had  no  canoe;  but  at  length  acceded  and 
stretched  his  leg  over,  upon  which  the  bear  began 
to  pass.  At  the  middle  of  the  leg,  however,  she  took  a 
skull  cap,  feeling  thirsty,  and  dipping  water  drank, 
and  threw  away  what  remained,  but  in  clearing  the 
cap  dashed  it  against  the  Crane's  leg.  By  this  he  was 
incensed  and  threw  his  leg  aside,  dousing  the  bear  in 
the  water.  Then  going  home  he  got  his  bow  and  shot 
the  bear.  The  young  antelopes,  which  Old  Crane 
had  blown  inside  a  whistle  and  hung  upon  the  wall 
for  safe  keeping,  now  came  out  and  shot  the  Grizzly 
with  arrows,  and  she  was  killed. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  113 

Gatschet  says  of  this  story  "  The  myth  of  the 
bear  and  the  antelope  is  one  of  the  most  attractive 
and  best  stylicized  of  the  collection."  He  also  adds 
that  some  archaic,  or  old-fashioned  words  seem  to 
prove  that  the  myth  has  been  handed  down  for  many 
centuries  to  the  present  generation. 

The  resemblances  to  the  story  of  Tsmptstsmpts  and 
the  Cheatco  and  Old  Thunder  are  in  the  number  of 
the  cubs,  or  the  young  animals ;  the  escaping  parties 
getting  out  under  the  lodge,  and  covering  up  the  hole, 
and  the  pursuer  going  out  after  them;  and  finally 
the  manner  of  both  pursued  and  pursuer  crossing  the 
water,  and  the  pursuer  being  dumped.  This  latter 
is  so  striking  as  to  be  scarcely  the  work  of  chance. 
This  is  especially  noticeable  as  all  the  variations  in 
the  story  from  the  coast  legend  are  toward  making 
the  trick  of  dousing  the  bear  inapposite  and  incon- 
sequential. The  dousing  of  the  Cheatco,  and  chang- 
ing him  at  the  voice  of  Thunder  into  the  noise  of  the 
surf,  to  guide  men  in  their  foretelling  of  the  weather, 
is  wholly  natural  and  an  imposing  idea  to  the  savage ; 
but  dousing  a  grizzly  into  the  shallow  water  of  a  lake 
where  a  crane  could  catch  minnows  is  so  slight  a  cir- 
cumstance that  the  story  itself  was  obliged  to  have 
the  Crane  get  his  bow  in  order  to  kill  the  bear.  The 
ducking  was  no  more  than  an  indignity  to  the  Grizzly. 
The  change  of  the  leg  of  Old  Thunder  to  that  of  the 
Crane,  as  a  foot  log,  may  seem  in  the  interest  of  veri- 
similitude, as  it  seems  somewhat  curious  that  the 
coast  Indians  should  conceive  of  thunder,  even  per- 

[Vol.  1] 


114  THE   GROWTH   OF 

sonified,  as  having  legs.  To  the  Klamath  story  teller 
this  seemed  so  improbable  as  to  require  change. 
The  Klamaths  had  stories  of  the  Thunders,  but  did 
not  seem  to  associate  legs  of  unusual  size  with  these 
old  creatures.  To  the  coast  Indians,  however,  thunder 
is  associated  with  vast  black  clouds,  and  one  of  their 
primitive  monsters  was  the  thunder  Bird,  whose 
wings  spanned  the  heavens,  whose  flapping  made  the 
peals,  and  whose  flashing  eyes  made  the  lightning. 
The  home  of  these  birds  was  the  tops  of  the  moun^ 
tains,  Saddle  Mountain,  or  Swallallachost,  being  a 
favorite  haunt,  and  upon  its  peak  the  Indians  still 
believe  mav  be  found  the  mammoth  bones  of  whales 
—considering  the  columns  of  basalt  near  the  top  of 
the  mountain,  which  occur  there  singularly,  to  be 
such  bones— brought  thither  by  the  bird.  Of  course 
a  bird  of  such  dimensions  would  have  great  legs,  and 
it  was  most  natural  to  think  that  Thunder,  in  his 
original  state,  as  a  person,  and  a  whale  fisher,  had 
at  least  potentially  enormous  legs.  It  would  seem 
evident  then  that  the  Klamath  story  was  a  develop- 
ment, and  rather  a  coming  down,  from  the  coast  In- 
dians' conception— the  thunder  bird  being  a  crane 
and  the  whales  reduced  to  minnows,  and  the  grizzly 
a  modification  of  the  terrible  Cheatco,  and  the  duck- 
ing a  mere  personal  indignity.  Indeed,  all  this  part 
of  the  story  is  made  subordinate  to  the  first  part, 
having  been  all  but  refined  out  of  sight.  The  main 
idea  of  the  story  is  moral,  that  the  perfidy  of  the  bear 
was  punished.    It  may  also  have  some  historical  sig- 


AN   AMEEICAN    STATE  115 

nificance,  the  bear  and  the  antelope  perhaps  meaning 
Indian  tribes— this  part  being  attached  to  the  older 
and  purely  mythical  part. 

As  to  the  two  cubs,  a  younger  and  older,  Gatschet 
remarks :  * '  In  Indian  mythologies  the  bear  cubs  al- 
ways appear  two  in  number,  the  older  and  the 
younger.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  majority  of 
quadrupeds."  He  also  says  that  five  is  the  sacred 
or  complete  number  in  all  the  Indian  stories— 
Tsmptstsmpts  and  his  brothers  being  five  in  number 
as  an  illustration. 

While  it  belongs  to  the  ethnologist  rather  than  to 
the  historian  to  determine  the  value  of  these  resem- 
blances, it  is  worthy  of  notice  here  that  they  exist, 
and  unless  otherwise  explained  would  indicate  that 
even  the  Klamaths  and  Modocs  drew  their  original 
ideas  and  lore  from  a  source  that  was  once  the  same 
as  the  Chinooks,  Clatsops,  and  Spokanes.  This  would 
streng*then  the  presumption  that  all  the  Indians  of 
Oregon,  at  least,  were  of  common  stock. 


THE  MYTH  OF  THE  RABBIT  AND  THE  DEVOURING 

HILL. 

(An  Omaha  Legend.) 

There  was  a  Hill  that  drew  people  to  its  mouth. 
The  Rabbit  and  his  grandmother  went  by,  and  the 
grandmother  said, '  *  The  Hill  is  bad,  beware  lest  you 
go  thither ;  go  not  thither. ' ' 


116  THE    GROWTH    OF 

But  afterwards  the  Rabbit  went,  and  came  to  the 
devouring  Hill,  whose  name  was  Pahe-Wathahuni, 
and  said  to  it, ' '  You  who  devour  people,  devour  me. ' ' 
But  the  Hill  knew  him,  and  refused  to  take  him  into 
its  stomach.  The  Rabbit  watched  his  chance  and  as 
a  company  went  in,  he  slipped  in  with  them ;  but  the 
Hill,  being  disturbed  that  he  was  there,  vomited  and 
cast  him  up.  Then  he,  the  Rabbit,  changed  himself 
to  the  form  of  a  man,  and  as  a  company  went  in,  he 
also  slipped  in  with  them.  This  time  the  Hill  did  not 
loiow  him,  and  did  not  throw  him  up.  When  the 
Rabbit  arrived  he  saw  in  the  distance  the  whitened 
bones  of  the  people  who  had  gone  in  before,  upon 
some  of  whom  the  dried  flesh  was  sticking  next  the 
bones,  for  they  had  long  been  dead;  and  those  not 
so  much  wasted,  and  those  just  died,  and  others  but 
shortly  entered,  who  were  still  alive.  The  Rabbit 
said  to  them,  "  Why  do  you  not  eat?  you  should 
have  eaten  that  fat  heart;  were  I  in  your  place  I 
would  have  eaten  it. ' '  Then  he  seized  his  knife,  and 
cut  the  heart.  PaheAVathahuni  said,  "  Hanh,  hanh, 
hanli!  "—(or  Oh,  oh,  oh!)  ''  Do  not  say  Hanh, 
hanh,  hanh!  "  said  the  Rabbit;  and  he  gathered  up 
the  pieces  of  the  heart  and  of  the  fat,  and  the  Hill 
split  of  its  own  accord,  and  the  people  passed  out 
and  went  home. 

But  after  going  home  they  assembled  again  and 
decided  to  make  the  Rabbit  chief.  He  replied,  "  Why 
should  you  make  me  chief  ?  Have  I  been  acting  as  if 
T  wanted  to  be  chief?  "    Then  he  took  the  fat  of  the 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  117 

Hill's  heart  on  his  shoulders  and  went  home  to  his 
grandmother.  He  told  her  that  he  had  killed  the  de- 
vouring Hill.  She  replied,  "  Oh,  you  very  Bad  Big- 
Foot  ;  you  very  bad  Split-Mouth,  have  you  killed  the 
Hill  that  should  only  have  been  killed  long  ago?  " 
But  when  she  went  out  and  saw  the  pile  of  fat  she 
said,  ''  He  told  nothing  but  the  truth  after  all." 


The  similarity  of  this  to  the  Nez  Perce  story  of  the 
Coyote  and  the  Monster  of  Kamiah  is  quite  striking. 
It  is  possible,  certainly,  that  the  story  was  passed 
from  one  tribe  to  another,  and  does  not  necessarily 
date  to  the  time  of  a  common  origin.  But  it  seems 
more  probable  that  the  connection  was  remote,  and 
that  there  was  a  time  when  the  two  tribes  were  more 
closely  joined.  The  story  would  seem  rather  to  come, 
or  pass,  from  the  west  to  the  Omahas— as  this  story 
of  the  Rabbit  is  the  Omaha  version.  The  Nez  Perce 
story  accounts  for  the  heart-shaped  hill  at  Kamiah, 
and  the  creation  of  the  tribes.  The  Omaha  story, 
while  mentioning  the  hill,  the  crafty  entrance  to  its 
interior,  the  cutting  of  the  heart,  and  the  complaint 
of  the  Hill,  and  retort  of  the  Rabbit,  as  in  the  Nez 
Perce,  has  no  hill  to  account  for,  or  races  of  men. 
We  should  imagine  that  the  story  was  invented  first 
in  a  volcanic  land,  where  there  are  hollow  moun- 
tains. 


CHAPTER  IV 
Creation  Stories  of  the  Indians 


THE  Indians  seem  to  have  had  no  con- 
ception of  any  one  particular  act  of 
creation.  They  never  proceeded  by 
the  process  of  abstraction  so  far  as  to 
attempt  to  refer  all  things  to  one  crea- 
tive mind,  as  has  been  done  in  the  Christian  theology, 
or  to  one  universal  force  or  condition,  as  has  been 
done  by  various  classes  of  deists,  or  such  scientists 
as  Haeckel,  or  philosophers  as  Spencer,  who  would 
if  possible  unite  the  conception  of  mind  and  matter 
under  one  head,  or  term,  as  Force,  and  define  them- 
selves as  monists. 

But  our  Indians  never  got  back  so  far  as  this,  but 
were  in  the  state  of  thought  of  the  Greeks  before  the 
days  of  Homer.  They  were  deeply  impressed  with 
the  thought  of  the  changes  on  the  earth,  and  con- 
sidered that  things  must  have  been  brought  to  their 
present  condition  by  some  sort  of  exterior  agency. 
They  had  not  observed  nature  long  enough,  or  closely 
enough  in  its  larger  operations,  to  consider  the  opera- 
tion of  natural  laws,  as  we  are  pleased  now  to  call 
them,  to  bring  about  the  effects  that  we  see.  They 
concluded  then  that  there  must  have  been  personal 
beings  of  such  size  and  power  as  to  bring  the  earth 
to  its  present  condition,  and  to  place  the  various 
tribes  of  animals  and  men  upon  the  earth.  They 
thought  the  eflftcient  force  must  certainly  have  been 
of  a  personal  character,  and  great  enough  to  produce 
the  changes  they  considered  had  been  made.  They 
therefore  peopled  the  world  in  most  ancient  times 


122  THE    GROWTH    OF 

with  beings  of  great  size,  who  were  able  to  scoop  out 
rivers,  heave  up  mountains,  cut  off  the  faces  of  the 
hills,  and  to  transform  one  sort  of  being  to  another 
form.  The  word  "  Old  "  prefixed  to  all  the  beings 
thus  described  does  not  indicate  either  old  age,  or 
have  any  such  humorous  suggestion  as  with  us. 
When  the  narrators  of  the  Indians  spoke  of  Old 
Thunder,  or  Old  Grizzly,  or  Old  Crane,  or  Old  Eagle, 
or  Old  Mink,  or  Old  Marten,  they  meant  simply  these 
various  animals  as  they  existed  in  the  old  or  primi- 
tive time,  when  the  world  was  quite  different  from 
what  it  is  now.  These  beings  were  all  j)ersons  then, 
as  the  Indians  are  careful  to  explain.  They  lived  and 
flourished,  and  made  things  to  suit  their  size,  and 
carried  out  their  various  plans.  The  world  was  well 
suited  to  them,  and  they  lived  lustily,  and  enjoyed 
themselves.  Nearly  all  the  larger  natural  objects 
are  the  relics  of  their  operations,  such  as  mountains 
and  hills,  which  often  still  bear  the  marks  of  their 
hands. 

But  in  the  further  reasonings  of  the  Indian  phi- 
losophers—and perhaps  they  reasoned  as  rationally 
as  any  other  men,  though  without  the  advantage  of 
so  much  data— it  appeared  that  the  world  as  first 
constructed  was  not  suited  to  the  needs  of  mankind. 
Man,  in  this  world  of  vast  forces,  when  Old  Thunder 
fished  for  whale,  and  the  north  and  the  south  winds 
blew  back  and  forth  from  their  castles,  and  the  old 
man  of  the  sea  stuck  up  his  head  or  put  on  his  cap 
and  filled  the  earth  with  mist,  was  a  poor  puny  and 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  123 

insignificant  creature,  subjected  to  the  whims  of 
monsters  who  cared  nothing  for  him,  and  usually 
made  him  their  sport  or  their  prey. 

How  the  world  was  changed  then  from  an  order 
formed  to  these  great  but  cruel  beings,  who  were  with- 
holden  from  the  gratification  of  their  appetites  and 
passions  by  no  fear,  became  the  most  interesting 
question.  Certainly  there  seemed  to  be  no  natural 
power  to  restrain  the  winds,  or  the  sea,  or  the  thun- 
der, or  the  numberless  older  forces  of  fire;  and  the 
native  mind  waited  long  to  solve  the  riddle.  Who, 
or  what,  could  restrain  these  giants,  and  make  the 
earth  suitable  for  man?  Who,  indeed,  could  be  the 
friend  of  mankind,  since  all  the  forces  must  be  work- 
ing alone  for  themselves?— whose  contests  were 
sometimes  in  the  interest  of  man,  but  quite  as  often 
only  added  to  his  miseries. 

There  seemed  to  be  only  one  solution,  and  that  was 
that  the  world  was  made  better  by  the  force  of 
Thought.  But  what  beings  would  care  to  think  for 
man?  It  was  evidently  not  the  great  and  ravenous 
ones,  like  the  thunders,  the  winds,  the  sea,  the  giants, 
or  the  mountains  and  mountain  caves.  These  all 
represented  merely  unreasoning  violence  and  pas- 
sion, without  pity.  To  the  weaker  animals,  then,  the 
Indians  began  to  look  as  the  type  of  thinking  be- 
ings that  cared  for  man,  and  was  also  shrewd  enough 
to  use  the  power  of  thought  to  restrain  the  violence 
of  the  ancient  beings,  who  cared  nothing  for  him. 
The  coyote  was  the  favorite  among  the  Indians  of 


124  THE    GROWTH    OF 

Oregon ;  the  fox  was  also  esteemed  as  a  good  second. 
The  mink  and  the  marten  were  also  considered  as 
man's  friend  in  the  ancient  struggle  against  the 
forces.  The  bear  and  gray  wolf,  and  larger  ani- 
mals sometimes  played  a  part  for  man;  as  also  the 
birds,  and  the  inferior,  or  crawling  animals.  But  it 
was  chiefly  the  quadrupeds  smaller  than  man ;  while 
the  very  small,  or  inferior  ones,  or  those  ravenous 
and  hostile  to  men  now,  were  figured  as  the  humili- 
ated and  degraded  forces  themselves,  in  many  cases 
at  least,  left  but  as  the  relic  of  what  they  once  were, 
still  having  their  violent  or  base  disposition,  but 
without  their  power.  The  rabbit  seems  to  have  been 
a  great  favorite  with  the  Indians  of  the  plains,  as  the 
fox  with  the  early  Grecian  fabulists ;  but  the  coyote 
was  liked  best  in  Oregon— a  somewhat  miserable  and 
cowardly  little  beast,  but  apparently  endowed  with 
human  speech,  and  susceptible  of  domestication.  The 
Indian  dogs  are  indeed  but  tame  coyotes. 

There  was  an  old  god  among  the  Clatsops,  at  least : 
Ekahni,  the  god  of  fire.  The  scenes  of  volcanoes  or 
earthquakes  were  considered  as  his  especial  haunts. 
But  he  had  no  more  care  than  the  giants  for  mankind, 
or  perhaps  never  even  created  man.  The  changes  in 
the  earth,  or  the  privileges  that  men  prize— the  nat- 
ural advantages,  as  real  estate  dealers  now  describe 
them— were  due  to  the  coyote.  Certainly  it  must  not 
be  understood  that  the  Creative  Thinker,  who  over- 
came giants  by  shrewd  calculation,  was  the  mere 
animal  coyote.    He  was  rather  the  Spirit  or  Mind 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  125 

best  illustrated  among  animals  by  the  coyote,  but 
was  able  to  assume  all  sorts  of  shapes,  and  was  en- 
dowed with  powers  not  belonging  to  any  coyotes  we 
now  know.  He  was  the  Thinker,  and  pre-eminently 
the  Worker.  He  accomplished  nothing  by  violence  or 
war,  but  simply  pitted  the  forces  against  one  an- 
other, or  caused  them  to  perish  by  their  own  folly. 
He  was  believed  to  be  benevolent  also,  though  often 
himself  performing  questionable  tricks— and  the 
friend  of  man— who  was  originally  the  most  foolish 
and  wretched  of  beings. 

The  stories  telling  of  the  works  and  adventures 
of  the  coyote  are  numberless,  but  may  be  grouped 
around  the  three  or  four  main  heads.  One  is  the 
making  of  waterfalls ;  another  is  the  obtaining  of  fire ; 
another  is  the  destruction  of  monsters,  and  changing 
them  into  objects  of  use,  or  not  harmful  to  mankind; 
and  still  another  is  his  teachings  of  laws  and  arts, 
and  punishments  of  men  for  disobedience. 

One  or  two  of  each  species  will  now  be  given,  as 
illustrating  the  development  of  the  Indian's  ideas, 
and  showing  how  he  became  a  factor  in  the  historical 
development  of  our  State. 


MAKING    OF    THE    FALLS    OF    THE    WILLAMETTE,    AND 
THE    WONDERFUL    BOY. 

Tallapus  came  to  the  Willamette  Valley  from  the 
sea  coast.     He  had  there  been  teaching  the  people, 


126  THE    GROWTH    OF 

and  now  wished  to  extend  his  operations.  He  found 
the  people  of  the  Willamette  in  a  very  miserable  con- 
dition. They  were  without  food,  and  were  also  the 
prey  of  giants. 

He  decided  first  to  supply  them  with  food.  To  do 
so  he  would  make  a  waterfall,  or  tumtum,  as  the  In- 
dians name  it,  from  the  resemblance  of  the  sound  of 
the  falling  water  to  the  beating  of  the  heart,  which  is 
also  tumtum.  The  Willamette  was  full  of  salmon  at 
certain  seasons,  but  the  feeble  and  witless  tribes  could 
not  spear  them  in  the  deep  water.  Tallapus  would 
make  a  fall,  where  the  fish  would  come  to  the  sur- 
face, and  also  a  trap,  which  would  catch  the  fish. 
He  began  to  make  a  fall  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pudding 
Eiver— or  Hanteuc;  but  was  not  satisfied  with  the 
place,  and  leaving  only  a  gravel  bar  there,  went  on 
down  to  Eock  Island.  At  this  point  he  proceeded  far 
enough  to  make  a  strong  rapid,  but  still  concluding 
this  was  not  the  best,  he  went  on  down  to  the  present 
place,  and  completed  an  ideal  fall  for  fishing.  Here 
the  salmon  came  year  after  year,  and  gathered  in  im- 
mense shoals,  leaping  clear  of  the  water,  in  their  ef- 
forts to  pass  the  obstruction,  and  would  also  fall 
back  in  many,  or  most,  cases.  They  could  then  be 
taken  either  by  spear  or  trap. 

Having  made  the  fall,  and  inviting  the  tribes  to 
come  and  get  the  fish,  Tallapus  then  proceeded  with 
making  his  wonderful  trap.  He  invented  one  that 
would  speak,  and  say  noseepsJc  when  it  was  full.  To 
test  it  first  himself,  and  as  he  was  hungry  also,  he 


AN    AMEKICAN    STATE  127 

set  the  trap  by  the  fall,  and  at  once  went  up  the 
shore  and  began  making  a  fire  to  cook  the  fish,  which 
he  was  sure  the  trap  would  take;  but  scarcely  had 
he  begun  his  preparations  before  the  trap  called  out 
loudly  '  ^  Noseepsk. ' '  Much  pleased  he  went  at  once 
and  found  the  trap  indeed  full  of  fine  fish.  Hurrying 
back  he  began  his  fire,  but  the  trap  called  again  ' '  No- 
seepsk, noseepsk. ' '  He  went  again  and  found  it  full ; 
but  when  this  happened  the  third  time,  he  became  im- 
patient, and  said,  *'  What,  can  you  not  wait  about 
catching  fish  and  crying  until  I  have  time  to  build  a 
fire  ?  "  By  this  rebuke  the  trap  became  offended,  and 
would  work  no  more.  So  the  people  were  left  to 
simply  spear  the  fish. 

The  story,  which  is  also  a  continued  one,  proceeds 
then  to  tell  of  the  great  tribe  that  flourished  on  the 
shore,  one  great  man  being  chief.  The  village  was  on 
the  right  bank.  In  his  days  there  came  a  monster,  or 
Skookum,  from  the  mountains,  and  devoured  all  the 
people  but  the  wife  and  unborn  son  of  the  chief.  She 
escaped,  and  after  her  son  was  born,  in  order  to  make 
him  great,  bathed  her  child  in  the  skookum  waters. 
When  he  was  well  grown  and  very  strong  she  re- 
turned to  the  old  village,  and  showed  him  his  father 's 
arms  and  implements.  *'  This,"  she  said,  '*  is  the 
spear  with  which  your  father  speared  salmon.  This 
is  the  bow  with  which  your  father  shot  arrows ;  and 
this  is  the  axe  with  which  your  father  split  wood. ' ' 

But  even  while  they  were  speaking  the  Skookum 
again  came  from  the  woods,  and  began  to  speak  with 


128  THE    GROWTH    OF 

the  boy.  The  latter  was  not  afraid  of  the  monster, 
but  began  to  contrive  how  he  might  kill  it.  Taking 
his  father's  axe,  as  if  to  show  off  his  strength  he 
lifted  and  struck  it  into  a  gnarly  log,  partly  splitting 
it  at  the  end,  then  said  to  the  Skookum,  ' '  If  you  are 
so  strong  as  they  say,  put  your  fingers  in  the  crack, 
and  hold  it  open  while  I  take  another  blow  with  my 
father's  axe."  The  Skookum,  flattered  and  boastful, 
did  as  asked,  but  the  boy  at  once  withdrew  his  axe, 
the  log  closed  upon  the  fingers  of  the  Skookum,  hold- 
ing them  fast,  so  that  he  was  easily  slain. 

Wishing  now  that  his  father  and  the  tribe  who  had 
been  killed  would  come  back,  seeing  that  the  monster 
was  dead,  the  boy  then  took  an  arrow,  and  with  his 
father 's  bow  shot  it  into  the  sky.  ' '  "WHien  this  arrow 
falls,"  he  said,  '*  let  the  tribe  come  back."  The  ar- 
row fell,  and  soon  the  tribe,  with  the  stern  chief  and 
his  people  in  their  canoes,  were  seen  returning.  As 
if  not  knowing  that  he  had  been  absent,  and  seeing 
his  son,  but  not  knowing  him,  he  cried,  "  Who  are 
you  here  ?  ' '  and  struck  him  across  the  face.  By  this 
the  boy  was  grieved,  and  going  to  the  falls  sat  above 
them  and  wept.  His  tears  fell  down  in  such  copious 
streams  as  to  form  the  holes  in  the  rocks  under  the 
falls.  After  thus  giving  way  to  his  feelings  he  de- 
cided to  be  changed  into  a  fish,  and  became  a  salmon, 
and  sought  a  resting  place  up  the  river.  At  the 
mouth  of  the  Tualatin,  of  the  Hanteuc,of  the  Yamhill, 
and  of  the  other  tributaries  of  the  Willamette,  he 
found  a  fall  or  some  other  disturbance,  and  contin- 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  129 


ued  liis  journey  as  far  as  the  Santiam,  flowing  down 
with  clear  pellucid  stream  from  the  Cascades.  This 
suited  him,  and  here  he  entered,  but  was  changed  by 
Tallapus  into  a  rock  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  of 
the  shape  of  a  fish,  so  as  to  guide  the  salmon  to  their 
spawning  grounds.  Hence  the  salmon  that  passed 
the  Willamette  Falls  never  stopped  at  any  affluent 
until  reaching  the  Santiam,  but  there  seeing  the  in- 
dication, they  would  flap  their  tails,  and  saluting  the 
rock,  pass  on  to  the  gravel  bars  of  the  upper  waters. 


Grotesque  as  this  story  appears  we  may  recall 
that  it  was  in  the  form  of  a  fish  that  Saturn 
was  said  to  have  come  into  Italy,  in  the  earliest  times, 
and  to  have  taught  mankind  the  rules  of  the  Golden 
Age. 


This  cycle  continues  quite  indefinitely,  the  next 
most  notable  event  being  the  decimation  of  the  pros- 
perous people  on  the  west  side  of  the  falls  by  a  mon- 
strous Skookum  that  lived  on  the  flat  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Tualatin.  This  creature  had  no  need  of  go- 
ing to  the  village,  to  commit  its  ravages,  but  merely 
reached  out  its  tongue,  which  was  long  enough  to 
extend  from  the  Tualatin  to  the  tumtum,  and  lick  up 
its  victims.    Tallapus  at  length  arriving,  and  finding 

[Vol.  1] 


130  THE    GROWTH    OF 

the  terror  and  misery  of  the  people,  destroyed  the 
Skookum,  and  buried  her  under  the  cliffs  on  the  west 
side  of  the  river. 

The  Skookums  were  female  monsters,  as  the 
Cheatcos  were  male.  The  voices  of  the  former  could 
be  heard  in  the  deep  forests  when  the  trees  creaked, 
or  the  panthers  screamed.  They  correspond  quite 
closely  to  the  early  British  or  Norman  idea  of  the 
Mothers,  or  Night  Mares,  the  mythical  but  much 
dreaded  beings  that  haunted  the  regions  of  sleep— 
and  are  still  spoken  of  in  connection  with  very  bad 
dreams.  They  were  figured  to  the  Indians  as 
very  old  and  witch-like  women,  with  long  dangling 
breasts,  or  tatoosh,  which  hung  so  low  on  their  bodies 
as  to  inconvenience  their  swift  movements  through 
the  shadows,  and  which  in  consequence  they  flung 
backwards  over  their  shoulders. 


THE    COYOTE    ON    THE    KLAMATH    RIVER. 

The  following  story  is  found  in  the  collection  of 
Bancroft,  and  is  given  as  a  tradition  among  the 
Cahrocs. 

The  Coyote  went  at  length  in  his  tours  of  inspec- 
tion to  the  country  of  the  Klamath  River,  and  found 
the  people  there  in  the  most  destitute  condition.  The 
river  had  had  an  abundance  of  salmon,  but  three 
Skookums  at  the  mouth  of  the  stream  had  constructed 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  131 

a  dam,  so  that  they  might  get  ail  the  fish,  and  tliis 
prevented  the  ascent  of  the  customary  food  supply. 
By  this  selfishness  of  the  Skookums  he  was  much 
incensed  and  vowed  that  before  many  days  so  many 
fish  should  come  up  the  river  as  to  give  all  the  men, 
women,  and  children,  and  even  the  dogs,  all  the  food 
they  could  eat. 

He  went  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  found  the 
house  of  the  Skookums,  and  entering  as  a  harmless 
coyote  began  his  observations.  Although  he  was 
hungry  and  whined  for  some  of  the  fine  fish  that  the 
Skookums  had,  he  was  not  noticed,  and  his  fast  was 
unbroken,  even  with  the  smell  of  delicious  salmon  in 
his  nostrils.  He  saw,  however,  where  the  Skookums 
kept  their  key  for  the  gate  of  the  dam,  and  next 
morning,  when  one  of  the  three  weird  women  started 
down  to  open  the  trap  and  let  a  fish  in  for  herself,  he 
darted  out  of  the  lodge,  and  running  between  her  feet 
succeeded  in  tripping  her,  so  that  she  fell  and  threw 
the  key  out  of  her  hand.  Seizing  this  instantly  the 
Coyote  went  to  the  dam,  and  opened  the  gate,  letting 
the  swarming  salmon  pass  through,  and  up  to  the 
country  of  the  Cahrocs.  He  then  broke  down  the 
dam,  and  since  that  time  the  fish  have  gone  every 
year  to  the  upper  stream. 

This  is  a  moral  story,  with  the  purpose  of  teaching 
the  injustice  of  monopolizing  natural  bounty,  and 
that  a  tribe  which  shuts  off  the  food,  or  fish,  supply  of 
another  above,  is  morally  as  hideous  as  the  Skookum 
witches. 


132  THE    GROWTH   OF 

I.EGEND    OF    THE    CASCADES,    WI-YE-AST,    KLICKITAT, 

AND    LOO-WIT. 

Many  legends  have  been  circulated  in  regard  to  the 
formation  of  the  Cascades  of  the  Columbia,  the  idea 
of  a  bridge  once  spanning  the  narrow  stream  having 
been  very  attractive,  one  of  Samuel  Clarke's  most 
noted  poems,  which  was  published  about  1870  in 
Harpcr^s  Matjazine,  having  been  founded  upon  the 
idea.  F.  H.  Balch's  novel,  the  very  best  ever  pro- 
duced in  Oregon,  from  a  literary  standpoint,  "  The 
Bridge  of  the  Gods, ' '  was  also  founded  upon  the  leg- 
end. Balch  states  in  a  note  that  his  idea  was  from 
the  Indians  themselves,  some  old  aborigines  even 
claiming  that  the  bridge  was  standing  in  the  days  of 
their  "  Grandfather."  But  we  should  remember  that 
to  Indians  the  passage  of  time  was  soon  lost  ac- 
count of,  and  all  the  old  events  are  considered  by 
them  as  in  the  times  of  their  grandfathers.  Rev. 
Myron  Eells,  of  Towana,  Washington,  who  was  mak- 
ing research  into  the  native  traditions  for  accounts 
of  the  Deluge,  after  finding  one  that  seemed  to  ac- 
cord remarkably  with  the  narrative  in  Genesis,  was 
not  a  little  taken  aback,  when  he  asked  how  long  ago 
this  happened,  to  get  the  reply,  ''  In  the  days  of  my 
grandfather. ' ' 

Professor  Condon,  of  the  University  of  Oregon, 
finds  some  geological  evidence  of  a  natural  bridge 
across  the  Columbia;  or  heavy  slides  from  the 
south  side  may  have  occurred  within  comparatively 


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AN   AMEKICAN   STATE  133 

recent  times  from  the  mountains,  and  have  broken 
down  some  natural  bridge  across  a  small  tributary. 
Probably  the  most  complete  Indian  story  of  this 
bridge  is  that  given  in  the  Oregoti  Native  Son, 
for  January,  1900,  by  F.  H.  Saylor,  as  related  to  him 
by  an  old  Klickitat,  who  lived,  however,  in  the  Wil- 
lamette Valley.  This  Indian  has  attained  a  great 
age,  and  was  well  known  to  the  writer.  He  was  a 
man  of  much  intelligence,  and  great  native  dignity, 
even  in  old  age  and  poverty.  He  never  acquired  the 
English  language,  but  talked  fluently  and  with  great 
animation,  or  even  excitement,  in  jargon.  He  once 
told,  in  the  hearing  of  the  writer,  of  the  raid  of  the 
Klickitats  into  the  Willamette  Valley,  before  the 
whites  came,  and  when  probably  he  himself  became 
an  immigrant.  He  was  from  earliest  times  a  fast 
friend  of  the  whites,  and  had  the  reputation  of  giving 
them  valuable  assistance  or  information  during  the 
general  Indian  war.  He  was  usually  called  **  Old 
McKay  "—though  Saylor  thinks  his  true  name  was 
Makiah.  Among  the  pioneers  of  Washington  County 
his  Indian  name  is  remembered  as  Wyanoshot— 
though  Indians  often  had  more  than  one  name. 
McKay's  story,  much  condensed,  is  as  follows:* 
In  the  earliest  days,  when  man  was  created,  all  was 
paradise.  The  Great  Spirit,  whose  home  was  the  sun, 
had  provided  all  that  was  needed,  and  hunger,  cold, 


*  The  story  is  inserted  here  as  the  idea  of  a  bridge  across  the  Co- 
lumbia has  entered  so  largely  into  Oregon  literature;  but  it  is  proba- 
ble that  the  story  as  now  understood  is  a  misapprehension.     Judge- 


134  THE    GROWTH    OF 

and  want  were  unknown.  Man's  first  home  was  to 
the  eastward,  but  after  the  couple  who  had  been 
created  first  had  children,  quarrels  arose  over  the 
ownership  of  the  land,  the  oldest  son  wishing  it  all. 
The  Great  Spirit  then  decided  to  remove  them  to  a 
new  land.  When  they  were  asleep  he  brought  them 
to  a  great  country,  divided  by  high  mountains,  the 
land  looking  from  this  chain  eastward  and  westward. 
Bringing  the  two  sons  to  the  top  of  these  mountains 
he  told  them  to  shoot  an  arrow  in  the  sky,  and  each 
should  follow  the  flight  that  his  arrow  took,  whether 
east  or  west.  One  arrow  fell  eastward,  over  the  coun- 
try of  the  Klickitats,  and  the  other  westward,  over 
the  Willamette  Valley— for  this  dividing  chain  of 
mountains  was  the  Cascades.  Each  followed  his 
arrow,  and  became  a  chief  in  his  country.  Between 
them  flowed  the  Columbia  River,  as  well  as  rose  the 


Thomas  McBride,  who  is  very  conversant  with  Klickitat  Indian  leg- 
ends, and  was  personally  acquainted  with  Wyanoshot,  whose  home 
was  on  his  father's  farm,  has  said  to  the  writer  that  he  could  find  no 
trace  of  an  idea  of  a  natural  bridge  across  the  Columbia  at  the  Cas- 
cades. By  the  Jesuit  missionary,  Father  De  Smet,  who  wrote  in 
1846,  it  is  said:  "Our  grandfathers,"  said  the  Indians  to  me,  "re- 
member the  time  when  the  waters  passed  here  quietly  [at  the  Cas- 
cades] and  without  any  obstruction,  under  a  long  range  of  towering 
and  projecting  rocks;  which  unable  to  bear  their  weight  any  longer, 
crumbled  down,  thus  stopping  up  and  raising  the  bed  of  the  river; 
here  it  overflowed  the  great  forest  of  cedar  and  of  pine  which  are  still 
to  be  seen  above  the  Cascades."  It  would  seem,  thus,  that  it  was  not 
a  natural  bridge  across  the  river,  but  a  long  ledge  overhanging  the 
south  shore,  under  which  the  waters  passed — a  singular  and  striking 
formation,  resemblances  to  which  are  often  met  in  the  mountains 
near  the  Columbia,  and  affording  the  possibility  of  a  slide  which 
choked  up  the  river  and  formed  the  obstruction  at  the  Cascades. 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  135 

dividing  mountains,  but  the  river  was  to  be  a  sign 
of  peace.  As  long  as  it  flowed  they  were  to  be  friends, 
and  for  a  further  sign  of  fraternity  the  Great  Spirit 
placed  across  the  river  a  bridge. 

The  people  multiplied  in  both  sections,  but  became 
corrupt,  and  then  for  the  first  time  the  favor  of  the 
Great  Spirit  was  withdrawn.  The  sun  ceased  to  reign 
all  the  time,  and  cold  and  snow  appeared.  The  peo- 
ple then  began  to  seek  for  fire,  but  found  none.  But 
there  was  one  very  old  woman,  who  had  kept  the 
original  purity,  and  as  they  suspected  she  also  had 
fire  in  her  lodge.  They  attempted  to  get  it,  but 
though  she  was  so  old,  the  woman  escaped,  and  the 
Indians'  best  runners  could  not  overtake  her— as 
they  were  stiffened  with  cold. 

They  then  began  to  repent  and  prayed  the  Great 
Spirit  to  grant  them  fire.  He  heard  their  prayer, 
and  calling  to  the  woman  told  her  to  give  the  people 
fire,  and  for  her  faithfulness  he  would  grant  her  any- 
thing she  wished.  She  asked  for  youth  and  beauty, 
and  promised  that  if  these  were  given  her,  to  estab- 
lish herself  on  the  bridge,  or  ' '  Tomaniwus  Illahee, ' ' 
and  there  keep  a  fire  forever  burning,  which  should 
be  a  reminder  of  the  goodness  of  the  Great  Spirit. 
The  people  were  very  willing  to  promise  to  be  good 
if  fire  were  given  them,  and  the  old  woman,  whose 
name  was  Loo-wit,  gathered  sticks  and  built  the  fire 
upon  the  bridge.  She  made  it  upon  a  large  stone 
there,  and  the  people  were  greatly  rejoiced  to  feel  the 
warmth  once  more— the  gift  of  the  now  absent  sun. 


136  THE    GROWTH    OP 

Loo-wit  also  was  changed  to  a  young  and  beautiful 
woman. 

In  the  course  of  time  she  had  many  suitors.  Two 
only  of  these  found  any  favor  with  her,  but  between 
these  she  could  not  decide.  One  of  these  was  Wi-y6- 
ast,  from  the  southward,  and  the  other  was  Klickitat 
from  the  northward.  As  Loo-wit  still  kept  them  in 
suspense  they  became  jealous,  and  quarreled,  and 
their  relatives  took  the  matter  up,  until  war  and  death 
again  became  prevalent  as  before.  By  this  the  Great 
Spirit  was  angry.  He  returned  and  broke  down  the 
bridge,  which  had  been  a  sign  of  peace,  and  trans- 
formed the  two  chiefs  into  mountains— making  of 
Wiydast  Mount  Hood,  and  of  Klickitat  Mount 
Adams;  which  even  yet  sometimes  shoot  fire  and 
rocks  at  one  another.  Of  Loo-wit,  who  was  also  to 
blame,  he  made  Mount  St.  Helens,  and  all  were  to  be 
forever  fringed  about  with  snow  and  ice,  and  half 
the  year  was  to  be  winter  even  in  the  valleys,  as  a 
punishment  for  their  new  disobedience.  Loo-wit, 
however,  having  been  promised  eternal  youth  and 
beauty,  still  retains  these,  being  yet  the  most  beauti- 
ful of  all  mountains. 

This  story  strikes  one  as  largely  imaginary,  and 
of  Christian  ideas ;  the  punishment  of  sin,  and  the  dis- 
obedience and  renewed  apostasy  of  mankind  being 
familiar  themes.  But  the  later  portions  strike  one  as 
more  like  the  Indian.  The  transformation  of  erring 
men  into  mountains,  or  rocks,  is  very  common  in  the 
native  mvths.     It  is  worthy  of  note,  too,  that  the 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  137 

Great  Spirit  is  said  to  have  his  home  in  the  sun. 
Among  the  Klamaths  the  chief  hero,  Kmukamtsch, 
is  said  by  Gatsehet  to  be  merely  the  personification 
of  the  sun. 


FIRE    STORIES. 

The  origin  of  fire  was  of  great  interest  to  the  In- 
dians. Fire  was  their  one  great  comfort  and  utility, 
and  the  mysterious  manner  in  which  it  was  produced 
led  to  much  speculation.  It  could  be  obtained  by 
rubbing  sticks  together,  or  by  striking  flints.  How 
did  it  first  get  into  the  wood,  or  the  rock? 


THE   COYOTE   AND    THE   THREE   WITCHES. 

The  Coyote,  in  the  long  ago,  found  men  miserable 
and  unliappy  on  account  of  the  cold.  He  resolved  to 
get  fire  for  them.  But  he  knew  of  only  one  place 
where  there  was  fire.  This  was  on  the  top  of  a  moun- 
tain, and  it  was  guarded  by  three  witches— Skook- 
ums,  or  Tatoosh  women.  They  feared  nothing  so 
much  as  that  the  fire  would  be  stolen,  and  men  would 
then  become  not  only  more  comfortable,  but  perhaps 
be  as  powerful  as  the  Giants  and  Skookums  them- 
selves. 

The  Coyote  came  first,  in  his  innocent  form  as  the 
most  miserable  and  cowardlv  of  the  brutes,  to  the 


138  THE   GROWTH   OF 

mountaiu  toj)  of  the  witches,  and  observed  how  they 
kept  guard.  One  was  always  on  the  watch;  but  he 
noticed  that  just  at  dawn,  when  the  one  that  kept 
watch  at  night,  was  ready  to  retire,  and  another  came, 
there  was  a  short  interval  when  no  one  was  on  duty 
—the  one  coming  on  being  a  little  tardy  about  getting 
out  in  the  cold,  and  the  other  being  a  little  anxious  to 
return  to  the  lodge.  He  decided  therefore  that  this 
was  his  only  chance  to  seize  the  fire.  But  he  needed 
the  help  of  the  other  animals.  He  knew  that  the 
witches  would  chase  him,  and  when  his  strength  was 
gone  he  must  give  the  fire  to  another.  Accordingly 
he  consulted  with  all  the  animals,  and  had  them  take 
places  at  convenient  distances  for  his  purpose. 

When  all  was  ready  he  went  again  to  the  mountain 
top,  and  waiting  until  morning,  was  ready  to  seize 
his  opportunity.  The  witch  on  guard,  as  dawn  ap- 
peared, cried  as  usual,  "  Sister,  sister,  get  up  and 
watch  the  fire, ' '  and  then  went  to  the  lodge.  The  sec- 
ond sister  was  a  little  slow,  and  the  Coyote  seized  the 
fire  on  a  burning  brand,  and  ran  as  quickly  as  possi- 
ble down  the  mountain.  He  was  soon  pursued,  and 
was  all  but  overtaken.  Indeed,  the  witch  had  the  tip 
of  his  tail  in  her  grasp,  leaving  the  tip  white  to  this 
day;  but  at  that  moment  he  reached  the  wolf,  who 
took  the  brand  and  went  on.  The  witch  then  pursued 
the  wolf,  but  he  reached  another  animal  in  time  to 
pass  the  fire  along.  All  the  animals  were  in  turn 
brought  in  and  pursued,  down  to  the  frog,  which  took 
the  fire,  now  a  mere  coal,  and  hopped  away.     The 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  139 

witcli  soon  was  up  with  liim,  and  caught  his  tail ;  but 
he  gave  a  desperate  leap,  getting  away,  but  leaving 
the  tail  in  the  witch's  hand— so  that  to  this  day  frogs 
have  no  tail.  But  he  was  soon  overtaken  again,  and 
would  have  had  to  give  up  the  precious  coal,  but  that 
he  spit  it  out  upon  a  stick  of  wood,  and  the  wood  took 
it  within.  The  witch  did  not  know  how  to  get  it  out 
of  the  wood,  but  the  Coyote  instructed  men  to  bring 
it  forth  by  rubbing  sticks  together,  and  from  that  day 
men  have  had  the  use  of  fire. 


THE    OLD    MAN    AND    THE    FIRE    WHEEL. 

Another  story  represents  the  Coyote  as  finding, 
upon  one  of  his  journeys,  that  fire  had  at  length  been 
monopolized  by  an  old  man,  who  had  a  wheel,  or 
mill,  at  the  Cascades,  with  which  he  made  fire,  and 
refused  to  all  others  the  use  of  it.  The  Coyote  came 
to  the  place  quite  accidentally  in  the  evening,  and 
heard  the  mill  creaking,  saying,  "  Pitli,  pitli,  pitli," 
and  took  it  first  to  be  the  voice  of  a  man  wailing  for 
a  dead  son.  He  then  himself  responded,  as  was 
right,  making  a  disconsolate  wail.  But  the  wheel 
went  on  creaking,  "  Pitli,  pitli,  pitli,"  and  the  Coyote 
wailed  once  more,  more  disconsolately  than  before. 
But  as  the  creaking  continued,  he  wailed  still  again, 
so  dolefully  as  to  almost  break  his  heart.  But  still 
having  no  response  he  suspected  something  wrong; 


140  THE    GROWTH    OP 

and  investigating  found  tlie  old  man  making  fire. 
He  was  angry  that  he  had  been  deceived,  and  his 
sympathy  thrown  away,  and  he  at  once  commanded 
the  man  to  share  his  fire  with  others— recording  once 
more  a  moral  against  selfishness. 

A  long  cycle  of  stories  is  furnished  by  a  northern 
tribe  as  given  in  Bancroft's  collection,  of  the  Crow, 
named  Yehl,  who  brought  fire  from  the  islands  of 
the  west.  He  was  then  a  white  seabird,  but  in  coming 
hack  across  the  water  his  beak  was  burned  partly  off, 
giving  the  crow  his  short  bill.  He  reached  the  land, 
however,  and  dropping  the  fire  placed  it  into  the  flint 
rocks,  from  which  it  may  be  forced  by  a  blow.  Yehl 
also  procured  fresh  water  from  the  old  man  of  the 
sea,  who  had  only  to  put  on  his  cap  to  bring  up  the 
fog  and  clouds.  At  the  lodge  of  this  selfish  old  man, 
after  he  had  drank  water  out  of  the  well,  and  had 
tried  to  escape  through  the  chimney— or  fire  hole 
—in  the  roof  and  was  stuck  for  a  time  he  was 
smoked  black,  giving  the  crow  his  black  plumage  to- 
this  day.  In  one  of  his  transformations  also  Yehl 
became  a  child  in  the  house  of  the  old  man  who  had 
shut  up  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  in  three  strong 
boxes ;  and  by  much  crying  and  naughtiness  was  at 
length  allowed  to  play  with  the  boxes,  releasing  the 
heavenly  bodies,  which  thereafter  shone  for  men. 

This  series  has  quite  a  distinct  air  from  the  Oregon 
myths,  and  show  their  origin  in  a  high  latitude,  and 
a  possible  connection  with  the  Aleutian  Islands,  or 
possibly  with  the  Hawaiians. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  141 

FURTHER    TRANSFORMATIONS. 

Every  locality  has  its  legends,  or  series  of  legends, 
of  the  objects  there  seen.  They  are  often  extended 
to  great  length,  and  need  here  be  only  briefly  men- 
tioned—or hardlv  even  thus. 

Near  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River  some  tall 
rocks,  the  most  prominent  of  which  is  that  upon 
which  Tillamook  Light  is  placed,  were  originally  a 
man,  woman,  and  children,  who  contrary  to  the  di- 
rection of  Tallapus,  attempted  to  walk  on  the  water. 
A  rock  off  Chinook  Point  is  a  transmogrified  girl, 
who  bathed  indecently,  contrary  to  the  customs  of 
Tallapus.  Pillar  Rock,  some  twenty-five  miles  up  the 
Columbia,  is  a  man  changed  to  stone,  for  attempting 
to  walk  over  the  river.  The  rocks  at  Oak  Point,  on 
the  north  side  of  the  river,  are  a  company  of  men 
in  canoes,  who  were  changed  to  stone  for  traveling  on 
land  with  their  canoes,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  Talla- 
pus. The  stains  upon  the  cliff  near  Clifton,  or  Cath- 
lamet  Point,  are  the  tears  of  Tallapus,  who  there 
lamented  the  hardness  of  heart  of  the  people  whom 
lie  had  instructed  and  tried  to  help.  The  cliff  of 
Kahni  Mountain,  in  Tillamook  County,  where  once 
was  the  home  of  the  old  god  of  Fire,  was  brought  to 
its  present  shape  by  a  single  blow  of  the  hatchet  of 
Tallapus,  who  thus  showed  his  anger  at  the  wretched 
state  of  man,  before  h'e  decided  to  undertake  his  re- 
lief, and  assumed  his  form  as  a  Coyote.  The  marks 
of  the  head  of  Tallapus  in  his  cradle,  or  his  flatten- 


142  THE   GROWTH   OF 

ing  board,  now  of  rock,  may  be  seen  in  Tillamook 
County. 

Farther  up  the  Columbia,  Rooster  Rock,  and  Castle 
Rock,  are  said  to  be  two  chiefs,  who  wooed  the  same 
girl,  but  were  both  kept  in  suspense  until  they  quar- 
reled, and  were  then  changed  into  rocks,  separated 
by  the  river,  while  the  girl  was  punished  by  being 
changed  to  the  Horsetail  Waterfall,  ever  escaping  up 
the  hill,  with  her  beautiful  hair  trailing  behind,  but 
still  never  getting  away. 

The  ice  cave  near  Mount  Adams  was  the  home  of 
an  old  woman— Lummei— who  had  many  children. 
By  a  trick,  with  her  brightest  boy's  assistance,  she 
succeeded  in  burning  up  a  Skookum  that  had  eaten 
some  of  her  young  ones.  A  lake  in  the  Cascade  Moun- 
tains was  the  scene  of  the  transformation  of  the  old 
original  big  Mosquito— a  giant  who  devoured  men, 
until  the  Coyote,  or  Speelyi,  in  the  Klickitat,  changed 
him  into  annoying  but  comparatively  harmless  in- 
sects. A  very  pretty  legend  has  been  told  of  Mount 
Ranier.  This  was  the  home  of  Nakahni,  who  was  a 
shepherd  with  flocks  of  wild  goats.  He  fell  in  love 
with  Lawiswis,  a  beautiful  and  innocent  girl  of  the 
valleys.  He  created  a  troop  of  fairies  to  accompany 
her.  But  on  account  of  his  preference,  Memelek,  the 
incarnation  of  feminine  evil,  was  jealous,  and  deter- 
mined to  kill  Lawiswis;  creeping  up  on  her  as  she 
slept,  and  urging  the  vipers  with  which  her  waist 
and  hair  were  bound,  to  bite  and  kill  the  sleeping 
favorite.     The  guardian  fairies,  however,  cried  to 


AN   AMERICAN    ESTATE  143 

Nakahni,  who  answered  them  as  they  clustered  about 
their  charge,  some  red  with  rage,  others  white  with 
fear,  by  giving  them  spears,  by  which  the  reptiles  of 
Memelek  were  kept  back.  He  then  came  himself  and 
took  Lawiswis,  and  changed  the  fairies  into  roses, 
but  left  them  their  spears  as  thorns.  Eoses  are  still 
sacred  flowers,  among  the  Indians,  and  are  thought 
to  keep  back  death  with  their  thorns. 

The  enumeration  might  be  continued,  but  the  fore- 
going are  sufficient  to  illustrate  the  origin  of  the  most 
of  the  Indian  legends.  Their  hero  is  an  ideal,  com- 
bining intelligence  and  benevolence,  but  neither  of 
them  of  a  refined  order.  The  intelligence  is  often 
merely  craft,  and  the  benevolence  is  often  not  su- 
perior to  lust  or  revenge.  Nevertheless  there  is  a 
strong  sense  of  justice  and  of  gratitude.  Injustice  is 
indeed  the  worst  crime,  and  all  man's  evils  are  due 
to  disobedience  and  ingratitude  to  some  kind  of  a 
superior  power.  The  hero  of  this  type  of  character 
seems  never  to  have  been  found  by  Indian  fabulists, 
or  myth-makers,  among  human  beings.  To  find  a  per- 
sonality around  which  narrative  and  myth  might  be 
woven,  they  looked  to  the  animals.  Tallapus  among 
the  Clatsops  and  Chinooks ;  Who-nic-who-nie,  among 
the  Chehalis ;  Speelyi  among  the  Klickitats,  Sincha- 
leep  among  the  Spokanes,  or  in  each  case  the  idealized 
coyote,  thus  became  the  tribal  hero,  and  from  him, 
or  his  doings,  arose  the  myths  of  nature,  and  to  him 
was  attributed  the  destruction  of  the  giants  who  were 
changed  into  the  present  inferior  animals,  having 


144  THE    GROWTH   OF 

the  disposition,  but  without  the  power,  of  their  old, 
or  original,  persons. 

It  is  not  intended  in  this  book,  great  as  is  the  inter- 
est of  this  subject,  and  all  the  more  so  the  more  the 
details  are  examined,  however,  to  offer  more  than  an 
introduction  to  the  historical  connection  of  the  Ore- 
gon Indians  with  the  development  of  the  State.  This 
chapter,  which  was  intended  to  show  somewhat  the 
range  of  mind  and  ideas  of  the  Indians,  must  now 
therefore  be  closed  with  a  short  sketch  from  the  work, 
probably  the  most  scientific  and  painstaking  of  any 
on  the  subject,  of  Albert  S.  Gatschet,  who  spent  some 
years  with  the  Klamaths  and  Modocs,  and  whose 
books  on  their  customs,  legends,  language,  and  gram- 
mar, were  published  by  the  Smithsonian  Institute. 
This  is  given  here  as  showing  an  origin  to  the  Indian 
myths  earlier  and  more  philosophical  than  the  Coyote 
and  giant  stories  of  the  more  northern  Indians,  and 
no  doubt  dating  to  the  primitive  times  before  the 
races  left  their  home  in  Asia.  After  this  a  few  re- 
marks will  be  offered  on  the  course  of  development 
of  the  Indian  traditions,  and  the  beginnings  among 
them  of  true  history. 

The  Klamaths  had  one  chief  god,  who  was  chiefly 
the  creator  of  man,  and  all  that  concerns  the  comfort 
and  advantage  of  man,  such  as  fisheries,  islands,  fu- 
neral places,  sweat  lodges,  and  the  like.  He  made 
the  Klamath  Indians  out  of  a  service-berry  bush ;  it 
was  allowed  also  that  he  made  the  white  man,  but 
placed  him  in  the  shade,  thus  not  giving  him  the 


AN    AMERICAN    STATE  145 

ruddy  complexion  of  the  Klamaths  who  were  placed 
in  the  sunshine.  At  the  making  of  man  the  Creator 
consulted  with  three  animals,  the  mole,  the  garter 
snake,  and  the  fly  bug.  He  wished  to  know  whether 
man  should  be  immortal,  or  return  after  death.  The 
garter  snake  thought  he  should  be  immortal,  as  he 
himself  had  the  power  to  change  his  skin,  and  renew 
his  youth.  The  mole  thought  he  should  not  be,  as  he 
himself  grew  old  and  feeble,  and  therefore  feared  that 
man,  if  returning  from  death,  would  do  him  injury 
in  old  age.  The  flybug  thought  also  that  man  should 
not  live  always,  or  return,  as  he  would  do  him  much 
injury  by  stepping  upon  the  flies  and  bugs,  unless  he 
died  and  passed  away  betimes.  So  man  did  not  re- 
turn when  he  died.  But  that  these  were  not  the  real 
snake,  and  mole,  and  fly,  is  shown  by  the  mole  at 
once  proceeding  to  heave  up  the  mountains.  Gatschet 
notices  the  correspondence  of  this  with  a  creation 
story  of  the  Pitt  River  Indians  that  the  coyote  and 
fox  made  man,  and  then  disputed  whether  he  should 
return  from  death,  the  idea  of  the  coyote  prevailing. 
It  is  noticeable  that  the  Pitt  River  story  shows  a 
resemblance  to  the  Nez  Perce  story  of  the  creation 
of  man  by  the  coyote  out  of  the  Kamiah  monster, 
with  the  help  of  the  fox. 

Kmukamtsch  also  created  the  Modocs,  but  in  a 
much  more  startling  manner.  He  had  a  daughter, 
who  was  the  mottled  evening  sky,  and  with  her  he 
went  to  the  land  of  shades,  where  he  saw  the  dead  in 
a  vast  multitude,  who  danced  five  nights  around  a 

[Vol.  1] 


146  THE    GROWTH    OF 

central  fire.  But  in  the  daytimes  their  bodies  re- 
turned to  bones.  He  took  some  of  the  bones  in  his 
bag.  and  cast  them  in  pairs  over  the  earth ;  the  last, 
and  probably  the  best,  pair  being  the  first  of  the 
Modocs.  He  then  went  with  his  daughter  to  the  sun. 
Here  is  again  a  resemblance  to  the  Nez  Perce  story, 
and  the  Omaha  parallel,  in  the  idea  of  a  region  of  the 
dead,  with  a  fire,  and  some  of  the  dead  coming  back, 
and  men  arising  from  the  reanimated  appropria- 
tions. In  its  primary  idea  there  is  little  doubt  that 
the  Omaha  and  Nez  Perce,  and  the  Modoc  conception 
are  the  same,  and  are  but  another  form  of  the  Greek 
Tartarus,  or  Orchus.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  far- 
ther back  the  idea  goes,  it  gains  in  grandeur  and 
dignity;  Kmukamtsch  of  the  Klamaths  going  to 
the  interior  with  the  mottled  evening  clouds  and  re- 
turning to  the  sun  by  the  horizon  and  zenith ;  while 
in  the  Omaha  story  it  is  but  a  rabbit  going  into  a 
hollow  hill  and  coming  back  with  the  fat  of  the  heart 
on  his  shoulders. 

Kmukamtsch  was  the  old  man  of  the  ancients,  our 
old  father,  or  the  One  on  High,  His  coming  was  at- 
tended by  a  fire  mist  in  the  west  or  north,  called 
shunish;  around  his  head  was  the  halo,  and  his  ar- 
rows were  strong,  but  often  missed  their  aim,  being 
shortened  by  the  smoke  of  summer.  In  his  trans- 
formations he  became  most  commonly  the  pine  mar- 
ten, or  skel,  and  as  this  animal  he  had  all  sorts  of 
adventures.  The  changing  coat  of  the  marten,  being 
of  a  yellowish  hue  in  autumn,  suggested  this  animal 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  147 

as  the  sign  of  the  god.  Gatschet  considers  it  cer- 
tain that  Kmukamtsch  was  the  sun,  all  the  myths 
showing  the  character  of  that  heavenly  body,  and  a 
Modoc  legend  saying,  "  At  the  call  of  the  morning 
star  Kmush  sprang  from  the  ashes  of  the  fiery  sky 
as  hale  and  bright  as  ever,  and  so  will  he  continue  to 
live  as  long  as  the  disk  of  the  sun  and  the  morning 
star  shall  last,  for  the  morning  star  is  the  Medicine  of 
the  disk." 

As  skcl,  or  the  marten,  accompanied  by  the  halo,  or 
the  silver  fox,  he  represents  the  sun  of  summer,  who 
kills  the  north  wind,  and  afterwards  by  putting  on 
the  north  wind's  hat  he  quells  the  Thunder  brothers, 
being  then  the  sun  of  winter.  He  punishes  disobedi- 
ent men  by  changing  them  into  rocks,  or  by  burning. 

The  son,  or  adopted  son,  of  Kmukamtsch,  was 
Aishish,  whose  full  face  was  yellowish,  but  his  fire 
was  blue,  and  his  arrows  always  hit  the  mark.  With 
his  father  he  was  always  at  outs,  or  opposite,  and 
was  often,  or  regularly,  killed  by  his  father  after 
numberless  deceits  and  stratagems,  being  reduced 
first  to  mere  skeleton  of  thin  bones;  but  he  just  as 
often  kills  his  father,  and  both  always  come  back 
again  as  bright  as  ever.  He  was  born  of  a  bird,  the 
tanager,  but  was  concealed  first  by  his  adopted 
father.  He  is  the  moon.  The  old  Modocs  tell  of  a 
hill  where  in  ancient  times  the  sun  and  the  moon  lived 
together.  Aishish  had  many  wives,  and  with  these 
the  father  was  always  carrying  on  intrigues,  much 
like  the  Greek  Jupiter,  but  the  wives  usually  pre- 


148  THE    GROWTH   OF 

ferred  Aishish,  and  could  be  persuaded  to  accept  the 
attentions  of  Kmukamtsch.  only  when  he  told  them, 
their  lawful  husband  was  dead. 

The  two  winds,  North  and  South;  and  the  Five 
Thunders,  were  also  ancient  deities.  The  Thunders 
were  often  doing  damage,  often  destroying  people, 
even  once  splitting  a  pine  tree  in  fragments  to  Mil 
a  woman  whom  Skel  had  concealed  there ;  but  they 
were  themselves  killed  by  Skel,  who  put  on  the 
North  Wind's  hat,  and  they  fought  each  other,  being 
tied  together  by  the  hair,  imtil  their  five  hearts  ex- 
ploded in  five  thunder  claps  and  they  went  to  the 
sky  in  lightning  flashes,  where  they  now  roar,  but 
seldom  do  damage. 

Many  animals,  and  especially  the  birds,  were  dei- 
fied. The  Coyote,  Wash,  or  Washamtscht,  was  not 
the  favorite  as  among  other  tribes,  but  still  a  lead- 
ing god.  The  AVliirlwind  was  a  separate  god.  There 
were  spirits,  or  Skoks  (Skookumsl),  and  giants— 
the  Elip  Tilikum,  of  the  Yakimas,  two  of  whom 
were  changed  to  stone  in  the  Yakima  country. 
There  were  also  dwarfs,  one  of  whom  leaves  little 
tracks  in  the  snow  of  the  mountains;  and  another, 
Gwinnwin,  a  very  bad  one,  who  used  to  sit  on  the 
top  of  his  house  and  killed  many  people  with  his 
black  flint  hat.    He  is  now  a  bird. 

A  word  may  be  said  as  to  the  development  of  all 
the  myths  and  legends  of  the  Indians.  Beginning 
with  certain  general  ideas  common  to  all  primitive 
peoples,  they  illustrated  their  conceptions  under  the 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  149 

form  of  allegories,  or  actually  conceived  the  main 
great  operations  of  nature  in  that  way.  The  chief 
interest  then  lay  in  the  amplification  and  elabo- 
ration of  the  illustration,  or  figure,  until  the  original 
was  nearly  forgotten.  Not  the  Sun,  but  Skel,  the 
type,  became  the  chief  hero.  He  was  endowed  with 
the  greatness  of  the  sun,  but  with  the  limitations  of 
the  animal.  As  the  stories  continued  the  story  teller 
was  obliged  to  invent  new  situations  to  meet  the  in- 
creasing observations  of  the  people,  and  show  the 
superiority  of  his  hero  to  all.  A  close  and  minute 
study  of  all  animal  life  then  became  necessary ;  other- 
wise the  listener  would  not  be  convinced  that  Skel, 
or  the  Coyote,  of  the  other  tribes,  was  really  the  rep- 
resentative of  the  chief  being.  This  seems  to  have 
been  about  the  extent  of  the  Klamath  development. 
Their  study  of  nature  and  animal  life  is  very  com- 
plete, and  the  tine  points  of  animal,  or  natural  dis- 
position are  very  accurately  and  quaintly  expressed. 
Their  songs  are  mostlj^  of  the  elements,  or  animals. 
The  North  Wind  says,  ''  I  am  the  North  Wind,  and 
in  my  path  am  irresistible. ' ' 
Another  wind  song  says, 

I,  the  Wind,  am  blowing, 
Everj-where  am  blowing, 
In  the  skj^  am  blowing. 

The  Joon  says,  ^'  I  am  the  loon,  and  my  waves 
follow  me. ' ' 


150  THE    GROWTH   OF 

The  eagle  says,  ' '  High  in  the  air  I  cut  my  magic 
circles. ' ' 

The  yellow  jacket  says,  "  Here  I  am  buzzing 
around. ' ' 

The  woodpecker  says, 

' '  The  woodpecker,  I  am  sticking  fast ; 
Upward  looking  I  stick  to  the  stump ; 
The  woodpecker,  I  am  sticking  fast, 
Downward  looking  I  look  and  hold  myself." 

The  duck  says,  •'  I  spread  the  ripples  in  my  lake." 
The  very  soul  and  thought  of  animal  life  seems  to 
be  conceived  and  expressed  in  the  delicate  Klamath 
language,  and  the  same  would  seem  to  be  the  case 
in  the  Nez  Perce,  as  their  names  all  indicate  the  most 
profound  sympathy  with  nature  and  animal  life. 
Their  languages  are  enormous  in  the  number  of 
words  describing  the  kinds,  and  all  the  parts,  and 
every  phase,  of  natural  life.  Gatschet,  indeed,  says 
that  the  Indians  thought  of  themselves  as  much  more 
closely  related  to  the  animal  than  to  each  other,  or 
other  tribes.  The  other  tribes  seem  to  be,  in  most 
cases,  described  in  degrading  terms,  as  dog,  or  skunk, 
while  the  animals  are  idealized.  It  is  well  known 
that  the  Indians  divide  themselves  by  totems,  or  ani- 
mal designations,  being  children  of  the  Wolf,  Bear, 
Coyote,  etc. 

However,  the  natural  powers,  having  once  been 
conceived  as  best  illustrated  under  animal  forms. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  151 

could  not  be  made  to  stop  there.  Notably  the  Chi- 
nooks  and  Clatsops  carried  the  development  along. 
In  their  stories  of  giants  and  animals  they  were 
obliged  to  take  on  more  and  more  human  nature. 
The  story  tellers  under  the  old  names  shrewdly 
aroused  interest  by  describing  personal  character- 
istics. Thus  in  the  story  of  Tsmptstsmpts  and  his 
four  brothers,  the  Mink,  who  is  the  half-brother  of 
the  eldest,  becomes  the  type  of  the  shrewd  and  cun- 
ning chief,  ever  on  the  watch  for  the  interests  of  his 
people.  The  Coyote,  under  his  various  names,  is  no 
less,  in  the  later  development  of  the  stories,  than 
the  embodiment  of  craft,  or  wit,  as  against  violence. 
The  mother-in-law,  who  attempts  to  eat  out  the  heart 
of  her  new  son,  first  by  attacking  him  from  before, 
and  next  from  behind,  but  being  foiled  in  both  at- 
tempts by  the  forethought  of  the  young  wife,  who 
has  her  husband  place  grind  stones  over  his  heart, 
both  before  and  behind,  is  manifestly  a  caricature  of 
one  popular  nowhere,  but  still  very  useful  in  the 
world. 

Under  these  old  stories,  which  began  as  a  poetic 
description  of  the  operations  of  nature,  therefore, 
in  the  course  of  time,  the  teachers  of  the  people 
brought  in  criticisms  and  warnings  of  character  and 
conduct,  and  undoubtedly  political  leaders  made  ef- 
fective use  of  the  same  in  illustrating  points  of  policy. 
Out  of  these  original  myths  grew  therefore  three 
lines  of  literary,  or  rather  legendary  development. 
One,  as  sketched  above,  the  province  of  ^sop,  tell- 


152  THE    GROWTH    OF 


ing  stories  of  shrewd  animals,  in  order  to  teach  men 
to  be  shrewd;   a  second,  the  political  use  of  the  old 
myths,  adopted  by  speakers  to  urge  without  offense 
certain  lines  of  policy;   and  third  the  easy  and  nat- 
ural use  by  the  story  tellers  of  the  totem  names  to 
relate   actual   history.     Gatschet   finds   a   Klamath 
myth  which  is  evidently  merely  an  historical  account 
of  a  fight  between  the  Klamaths  and  a  northern  tribe. 
The  story  is  of  a  grizzly  and  a  wolf,  the  grizzly  get- 
ting the  worst  of  the  bout.    But  the  grizzly  repre- 
sented the  Klamaths,  and  the  wolf  the  northern  tribe. 
This  was  an  easy  and  natural  way  of  telling  history, 
and  without  discredit  to  the  Klamaths  themselves. 
It  was  very  necessary  for  them  to  let  their  descend- 
ants know  who  could  beat  them,  and  yet  not  to  break 
down  the  tribal  pride.     It  was  the  indiscretion  of 
the  grizzly,  then,  not  the  wrong  or  weakness  of  the 
Klamaths,  that  was  at  fault.     So  in  many  other 
myths,  the  bearing  of  which  we  cannot  discover,  no 
doubt,  the  Indians  were  preserving  history,  but  in  a 
vague  manner;   yet  their  historical  legends  were  in 
precisely  the  same  form  as  those  of  the   Greeks, 
whose  earlier  histories  were  accounts  of  the  gods 
and  their  wars  and  conflicts,  rather  than  of  men. 
The  early  Assyrians  and  Egyptians  also  commem- 
orated history  imder  the  guise  of  myth,  and  even  as 
late    as    the    Augustan    age,    the    most    popular 
Roman  poet,  revived  the  same  manner.    Moreover, 
the  greatest  of  medieval  poets,  Dante,  used  the  myths 
of  Virgil  as  the  dramatic  framework  of  his  master- 


AN   AMEEICAN    STATE  153 

piece,  and  both  Milton  and  Goethe  used  myth  as 
dramatic  machinery;  and  Byron  and  Shakespeare 
would  have  been  at  a  loss  without  recourse  to  ghosts. 
Besides  these  there  was  still  another  development 
of  the  myths.  This  was  the  teaching  of  the  various 
rites  and  ceremonies,  and  laws  and  customs.  These 
covered  every  department  of  life,  and  included  all 
industrial  rules,  manual  arts,  and  domestic  arrange- 
ments, as  well  as  government,  religious  rites,  and 
political  arrangements.  These,  by  the  Clatsops  and 
Chinooks,  at  least,  were  all  referred  to  Tallapus,  and 
the  stories  of  this  being  contained  in  full  all  the 
proper  rules  of  life.  Besides  their  ^sops,  and 
Homers,  therefore,  the  Indians  had  their  Hesiods. 
In  the  broken  and  fragmentary  stories  that  come  to 
us,  often  told  by  those  who  understand  English  but 
very  imperfectly,  we  probably  get  but  a  very  weak 
idea  of  the  real  force  and  dignity  of  the  conceptions 
and  descriptions  of  the  Indian  myths. 


THE    TOMANIT\TTS. 

All  the  Indian  myths  with  their  various  degrees  of 
development  indicate  a  primitive  people,  but  with 
much  of  the  grandeur  and  simplicity  of  thought  that 
we  admire  so  much  in  the  early  peoples  of  Europe. 
We  find  them  also  in  their  religious  development,  or 
ideas,  still  primitive.  Thej"  were  still  believers  in 
all  inanimate  objects,  as  well  as  animals  and  persons, 


154  THE    GROWTH    OF 

being  possessed  of  a  spiritual  self,  or  counterpart. 
There  were  spiritual  sticks  and  stones  and  trees,  and 
animals,  and  suns  and  moons.  Each  man,  more- 
over, had  his  spiritual  self.  This  in  general  was  the 
Tomanitvus.  The  object  might  pass  away,  but  the 
Tomaniwus  still  survived,  and  might  embody  itself 
anew.  The  person  might  die,  but  the  Tomaniwus  still 
live.  The  Indians  therefore  did  not  conceive  of  the 
dead  as  gone,  but  on  the  contrary  they— some  tribes 
at  least— used  a  term  in  speaking  of  them  meaning 
present,  but  never  dared  to  speak  the  name  of  the 
dead,  using  a  particular  pronoun  meaning  it,  or  they. 

The  foundation  of  their  belief  in  a  spiritual 
counterpart  to  all  things,  was  mental,  rather  than 
moral.  It  arose  simply  from  an  intellectual  difficulty 
in  conceiving  objects.  Thus,  an  Indian  might  see  a 
stone;  there  before  him  was  the  object.  He  might 
then  cast  the  stone  away,  and  see  it  no  more ;  but  to 
his  mind  the  stone  would  still  be  present.  He  could 
never  eradicate  the  idea.  He  could  account  for  this 
only  on  the  supposition  that  there  was  a  spiritual 
part  as  well  as  a  material  part.  The  material  part 
could  be  made  or  destroyed,  but  the  spiritual  part 
was  beyond  reach.  He  found  the  same  true  in  regard 
to  all  things.  The  flower  would  spring,  and  soon 
wither;  but  the  idea  of  the  flower  would  never  pass. 
This  he  called  the  tomaniwus,  and  conceived  that  it 
belonged  in  all  things;  each  having  a  tomaniwus. 

He  found  many  things  in  nature  that  seemed  to 
confirm  this  manner  of  conception.    All  things  had 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  155 

shadows— the  shadows  being  no  doubt  the  half  visi- 
ble tomaniwus.  There  were  echoes— echoes,  no 
doubt,  being  the  half  audible  tomaniwus  of  the  things 
that  made  noises.  The  sun  certainly  had  a  tomani- 
wus, for  when  he  set  and  fell  into  shadow,  he  sprang 
next  morning  as  strong  and  bright  as  ever.  How 
could  this  be  unless  there  was  a  spiritual  sun  that 
lived  while  the  material  sun  went  down  and  died? 
Of  the  moon  the  same  was  true,  only  more  remark- 
ably so,  since  this  body,  besides  sinking  and  rising 
night  and  day,  also  wasted  at  times,  until  at  last 
completely  disappearing  for  a  number  of  days,  but 
then  returned.  How  could  this  be,  unless  there  was 
a  spirit  of  the  moon,  able  to  revive  the  material  body 
after  death?  As  to  the  sun  in  the  lines  from  the 
Klamath  myth,  we  have  the  direct  statement  that  the 
morning  star  is  the  medicine,  or  Tomaniwus,  of  the 
sun. 

As  to  human  beings,  man  was  no  exception.  He 
also  had  his  tomaniwus.  Man  might  be  thought  of 
while  he  still  lived,  and  also  after  he  was  dead  the 
thought  returned.  Hence  while  men  were  alive  they 
were  considered  as  in  the  body,  and  at  a  distance,  or 
at  some  remove.  But  when  they  were  dead,  the 
tomaniwus  only  remained.  They  were  then  "  pres- 
ent." This  gave  rise  to  numberless  superstitions, 
as  they  may  properly  be  termed.  To  speak  the  name 
of  the  dead  was  to  invite  death  oneself.  To  see  one 's 
own  tomaniwus  was  a  sure  sign  of  death.  It  was 
unsafe  and  to   be  avoided  to  look  at  one's   own 


156  THE    GROWTH    OF 

shadow.  It  was  long  before  the  Indians  dared  have 
their  pictures  taken.  It  was  thought  that  another 
might  thus  get  possession  of  their  tomaniwus.  But 
as  a  recompense  of  these  fears,  the  man  of  bold  heart 
who  killed  others,  was  reinforced  by  the  spirits  of 
those  he  conquered,  their  tomaniwus,  or  medicine, 
being  inferior  to  his  own. 

The  conjuring,  or  shamanism,  of  the  Indians,  was 
all  founded  on  this  conception  of  a  spiritual  counter- 
part to  all  things  and  persons.  Knowledge  rested 
principally  upon  knowing,  or  seeing  the  spirits  of 
things.  The  object  seemed  of  much  less  importance 
than  its  spirit.  He  that  knew  the  spirits  of  all  things 
could  certainly  understand  and  control  the  objects 
themselves,  which  were  but  a  fleeting  and  changing 
embodiment  of  the  never  passing  spirit.  To  see  the 
spirits,  or  tomaniwus,  was  then  the  object  of  the 
Tomaniwus  man,  or  "  medicine  "  man,  as  the  term 
is  very  inadequately  translated.  In  order  to  acquire 
this  power,  and  to  see  the  spirits,  the  Tomaniwus 
man  proceeded  in  a  manner  just  the  contrary  of  ours. 
Instead  of  studying  the  objects,  he  studied  dreams 
and  induced  dreams,  or  a  hypnotic  state  by  exercises 
and  fastings,  until  all  objects  were  present  to  his 
mind.  He  became  a  dreamer.  Almost  every  tribe 
had  a  place  of  fasting  and  watching,  usually  a  lonely 
spot  in  the  mountains,  or  by  a  stream  or  lake,  where 
the  neophyte  sat  and  fasted,  until  his  spirit  ceased 
to  be  conscious  of  its  body,  and  all  things  became 
present  to  his  mind ;  and  the  birds  or  other  animals 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  157 

conversed  with  him  in  intelligible  language.  He  then 
possessed  knowledge,  and  was  able  to  tell  events  at 
a  distance,  or  even  to  foretell  events. 

To  what  extent  this  hypnotic  faculty  may  be  culti- 
vated, or  how  much  value  its  possession  may  be,  is 
still  not  determined,  but  undoubtedly  the  Indians 
carried  the  art  to  its  full  limits.  One  would  say  that 
the  occult  manner  of  knowing  things  is  not  the  most 
accurate,  or  the  most  altruistic.  It  offers,  moreover, 
but  a  very  small  basis  for  the  development  of  knowl- 
edge from  age  to  age. 

The  tomaniwus  men  were  called  ' '  medicine  ' '  men, 
from  their  exorcism  of  the  spirits  of  disease.  A  dis- 
ease had  a  spirit,  and  that  was  the  cause  of  the  suf- 
fering. If  the  spirit  could  be  destroyed,  the  disease 
would  cease.  Some  of  the  tomaniwus  songs  are  those 
of  diseases.  The  spirits  of  certain  birds  seem  also  to 
cause  disease.  It  was  in  order  for  the  Medicine  man 
to  see  the  spirit  that  caused  the  disorder,  and  extract 
it,  either  by  sucking  or  drawing  it  out.  To  the  eye 
of  the  Medicine  man  the  interior  of  the  body  was 
transparent,  and  he  could  see  the  diseases  in  the  vitals 
or  in  the  joints.  A  Clatsop  woman,  having  a  very 
bad  disease,  is  mentioned,  from  whom  it  was  ex- 
tracted only  with  the  greatest  effort,  eluding  the 
hands  of  the  conjuror,  and  slipping  here  and  there. 
When  finally  forced  through  her  side,  so  powerful 
was  it  that  it  instantly  caused  the  arms  of  the  Medi- 
cine man  to  fly  up,  and  they  could  be  brought  down 
only  by  the  strength  of  four  men,  in  order  that  it 


158  THE    GEOWTH    OF 

might  be  forced  into  a  tub  of  water,  where  it  was 
drowned  at  last.  This  disease  was  described  as 
looking  very  much  like  a  piece  of  melted  glass,  run 
through  and  through  with  horse  hair. 

A  Chehalis  Medicine  man  is  mentioned  who  fol- 
lowed a  dancing  stick,  which  was  held  by  a  young 
man,  but  danced  with  him  all  over  the  floor,  so  vio- 
lently as  to  cover  his  hands  with  blisters  and  blood ; 
with  the  spirit  of  this  stick  the  conjuror  went  to  the 
land  of  the  dead,  finding  there  the  spirit  of  the  woman 
—who  of  course  could  not  be  brought  back. 

The  Indians  also  foretold  events  by  the  flight  of 
birds  and  the  actions  of  animals;  the  weather  was 
indicated  by  certain  rain  flowers,  or  the  agitation  of 
rain  waters,  and  by  the  changes  of  the  sky.  They 
had  many  sacred  lakes,  or  streams,  or  skookum 
waters.  Their  entire  round  of  ideas  and  course  of 
thought  had  more  to  do  with  the  world  of  spirits,  or 
ideas,  than  of  actual  fact.  This  may  probably  all  be 
referred  to  their  primitive  conception  of  all  things 
as  consisting  of  both  a  body  and  spirit,  the  latter  be- 
ing the  more  important,  and  most  present  to  the 
mind.  This  is  a  truly  diflficult  point  in  metaphysics, 
being  in  a  certain  way  at  the  root  of  Plato 's  discus- 
sion of  the  doctrine  of  ideas,  and  of  the  disputes  of 
the  nominalists  and  realists  of  the  middle  ages.  In 
modern  thinking  we  have  simply  given  up  the  ques- 
tion, and  learn  of  the  qualities  of  things,  and  gain 
ideas,  by  practical  experience  with  the  things.  "We 
find  that  our  ideas  of  things  depend  upon  ourselves, 


AN    AMERICAN    STATE  159 

and  change  according  to  practical  experience.  What 
the  things  are  in  tlieir  essence  and  ijurpose,  we  refer 
to  one  great  controlling  mind. 

The  above  will  be  sufficient  to  indicate  at  about 
what  degree  of  development  the  Indian  had  arrived 
—being  in  a  state  of  mind  found  among  the  Euro- 
pean peoples  not  less  than  three  thousand  years  ago. 
How  they  would  receive  the  impact  of  modern  ideas, 
representing  an  experience  gained  since  the  days  of 
Abraham  and  Homer,  and  what  of  their  own  primi- 
tive experience  and  conceptions,  or  how  much  of  their 
own  life  and  blood  would  enter  and  commingle  with 
the  advancing  white  race,  are  questions  to  be  an- 
swered as  the  events  progressed. 

Space  forbids  any  longer  delay  with  the  many  nu- 
merous questions  that  arise  here,  and  little  descrip- 
tion of  archaeological  remains  may  be  given.  Further 
study  must  be  found  in  connection  with  the  various 
discoveries  and  expeditions  made  by  white  men. 

As  to  the  length  of  time  of  the  Indian  in  Oregon, 
we  may  say  with  Gatschet,  '  *  many  hundreds  of  gen- 
erations. ' '  There  is  no  sign  of  any  prior  race  here, 
and  if  these  Indians  are  all  of  one  stock  a  length  of 
time  sufficient  for  them  to  have  developed  entirely 
distinct  languages,  must  be  allowed.  Kitchen  mid- 
dens along  the  coast,  or  shell  heaps  where  Indians 
have  camped  year  after  year  indicate  a  long  period 
of  occupation.  The  Indians  should  be  regarded,  we 
think,  as  a  slowly  progressing  race,  but  in  numbers 
they  were  so  few  compared  with  the  extent  of  the 


160       GROWTH    OF  AN    AMERICAN    STATE 

continent,  as  to  have  gained  very  small  control  of 
nature.  For  the  same  reason  they  had  become  so  far 
dispersed  as  to  form  no  large  political  bodies,  but 
every  band  or  part  of  a  band  not  agreeing  with  the 
rest  might  move  on,  preferably  going  eastward,  and 
about  the  only  prevailing  and  controlling  idea,  or 
passion,  would  be  love  of  liberty. 


CHAPTER  V 
IndiaxV  Traditions  of  the  First  White  Men 


[Vol.  1] 


H 


AVING  thus  taken  a  glance  at  Oregon 
as  formed  by  nature,  and  having  seen 
that  this  great  land  had  been  by 
gradual  and  successive  geological 
changes  isolated  from  all  intercourse 
with  the  eastern  or  Atlantic  side,  the 
chain  of  inland  seas  or  lakes  having  been  elevated 
and  dried  and  becoming  deserts,  so  that  the  drift  of 
population  was  ever  eastward  rather  than  westward, 
and  having  seen  that  in  consequence  Oregon  became 
settled  first  from  across  the  Pacific,  and  at  the  times 
first  known  to  us,  was  sparsely  peopled  by  tribes  as 
yet  not  fully  fixed,  though  roaming  within  certain 
limits,  we  may  be  able  to  take  up  with  better  under- 
standing the  progress  of  events  when  the  European 
civilization  did  at  last  break  the  barriers  and  over- 
flow into  the  basin  of  the  Columbia,  or  first  circled 
into  the  waters  of  the  Pacific.  We  are  prepared  to 
think  of  Oregon  as  occupied  by  a  race  of  men  on  the 
whole  deserving  the  title  of  the  ''  Noble  Red  Man  " 
—a  simple  and  primitive  people  in  many  ways,  but 
thoroughly  human,  and  able  to  give  whatever  they 
had  to  their  white  brothers  who  might  come. 

We  shall  be  prepared  to  bear  in  mind  also  that 
owing  to  the  delay  of  discovery  about  two  centuries 
of  civilization  were  allowed  to  pass,  and  quite  a  dif- 
ferent state  of  the  world  grew  up  after  the  Atlantic 
side  of  America  was  settled  before  Oregon  was  oc- 
cupied. The  Oregon  Indians  had  themselves  been 
malring  some  progress  during  that  time.     Oregon 


164  THE    GROWTH    OF 

therefore  came  late  into  the  arena  of  the  world's  his- 
torical movements.  To  what  power,  or  to  what  peo- 
ple aud  form  of  government  it  should  be  given  was 
therefore  a  matter  held  in  reserve  until  long  after  the 
other  parts  of  America,  both  North  and  South,  had 
been  apportioned  to  the  ICuropean  states. 

But  before  taking  up  the  records  of  European  ad- 
venturers or  discoverers,  we  must  inquire  whether 
any  legends  or  evidences  of  white  men's  reaching 
Oregon,  are  found  among  the  Oregon  Indians.  Not 
until  recently  have  any  such  traces  of  discovery  been 
found,  or  perhaps  looked  for.  But  as  interest  in 
the  history  of  Oregon  has  increased  a  gentleman  liv- 
ing near  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  and  who  bears 
a  peculiar  relationship  to  both  the  Indian  tribes  and 
to  the  early  settlement  of  Oregon,  took  up  the  mat- 
ter, and  has  found  some  very  interesting  traditional 
history  in  regard  to  the  first  appearances  of  white 
men  among  the  Indians.  This  gentleman  was  the 
late  Silas  B.  Smith,  whose  mother  was  Celiast,  the 
daughter  of  the  Indian  chief  Kobaiway,  of  the  Clat- 
sops,  and  whose  father  was  Hon.  Solomon  H.  Smith, 
who  came  with  Nathaniel  J.  Wyeth  to  Oregon  in 
1832. 

The  appearances  of  white  men  were  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia,  or  within  thirty  miles  of  this  great 
river.  Nothing  could  illustrate  better  than  this  per- 
haps that  the  Columbia,  especially  at  its  mouth,  has 
been  the  historic  scene  of  the  most  that  relates  to 
Oregon.     If  there  ever  were  other  appearances  of 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  165 

white  men  at  other  points  all  legends  or  traces  of 
them  seem  to  have  been  lost. 

In  order  to  understand  the  place  and  the  condition 
that  any  castaway  white  men  might  find,  we  will  first 
describe  somewhat  more  in  detail  the  shore  in  this 
region.  The  Columbia  for  the  last  thirty  miles  of 
its  course  widens  to  an  estuary,  some  five  to  ten 
miles  across.  On  the  north  side  as  it  passes  into  the 
ocean,  its  flow  is  directed  by  the  bold  points  of  Cape 
Disappointment,  rising  about  400  feet  above  the 
waves  and  conspicuous  far  to  seaward. 

By  this  fixed  highland  the  waters  of  the  Columbia, 
discharging  into  the  ocean,  are  deflected  southward, 
and  have  formed  a  peninsula,  composed  almost 
wholly  of  sands,  now  blown  up  into  dunes,  compris- 
ing a  country  two  or  three  miles  across,  and  about 
twenty  miles  long.  This  peninsula  was  the  land  of 
the  Clatsop  Indians,  and  derived  its  name  from  them. 
It  is  still  a  charming  country,  consisting  largely  of 
open  rolling  plains,  diversified  with  woodlands,  in- 
tersected by  tidewater  streams,  and  upon  the  side 
next  the  wooded  hills,  expanded  to  mossy  cranberry 
marshes,  embosomed  in  which  are  lily-padded  lakes 
and  ponds.  It  was  an  ideal  place  for  a  wild  people, 
having  both  a  slope  towards  the  Columbia  Eiver,  and 
a  broad  ocean  frontage.  In  its  original  state  it  was. 
much  more  pleasant  than  at  present,  being  then  thor- 
oughly covered  with  sod  and  sward  to  the  sea  beach, 
and  gorgeous  almost  the  entire  year  with  successive- 
flowering  plants.     The  Clatsop  Indians  had  several' 


166  THE    GROWTH   OF 

villages,  one  looking  north  toward  the  bar  called 
Ne-Ahkstow;  another  about  half  way  down  the 
plains  on  the  ocean  side,  at  the  mouth  of  a  small 
stream,  Neahkowin;  and  still  another  farther  south, 
in  the  bight  of  another  stream,  Neah-Coxie. 

On  the  south  of  the  country  of  the  Clatsops  rose 
the  mass  of  Tillamook  head,  forming  several  prom- 
ontories, and  attaining  a  height  of  over  one  thousand 
feet.  Southward  lay  the  country  of  the  Tillamooks, 
the  most  prominent  mountain  of  the  coast  being  Ne- 
kahni,*  which  rises  with  a  bold  bluff,  or  precipice 
some  400  feet,  and  above  that  attains  a  height  of 
about  two  thousand  feet.  On  the  south  of  Nekahni 
is  an  arenaceous  region,  through  which  the  small 
river  Nehalem  forces  a  channel  to  the  sea.  The 
mountain  is  noted  among  the  Clatsops  as  the  home 
of  the  first  god,  and  also  as  having  been  struck  off 
to  its  present  form  with  a  blow  of  the  knife,  or 
hatchet,  of  Tallapus. 

Three  appearances  of  white  men  are  described.  A 
point  near  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  is  the  scene  of 
one ;  the  sides  of  Necahnie  mountain  of  another,  and 
the  mouth  of  the  Nehalem,  of  the  other.  The  incident 
at  Necahnie  Mountain  has  been  spoken  of  as  the  com- 
ing of  the  treasure  ship.  This  is  probably  the  least 
important  of  the  three.  According  to  the  tradition 
of  the  Indians  a  ship  appeared  in  the  offing  at  that 
place,  and  coming  to,  dropped  a  boat,  which  was  then 
rowed  ashore.    A  box,  or  chest,  was  carried  by  the 


Cotninonly  called  Mt.  Carney. 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  167 


meu,  who  made  a  laudiug  and  ascended  the  moun- 
tain side.  A  hole  was  then  dug,  into  which  they 
lowered  the  chest,  and  a  man  being  killed,  as  some 
say,  both  the  chest  and  the  body  of  the  man  were 
buried  together.  The  killing  of  the  man  is  uncertain, 
as  the  word  used  for  a  dead  body  is  also  applied  to  a 
crucijfix.  It  is  a  mere  inference  also  that  the  box, 
or  chest,  contained  treasure.  If  a  man  were  killed, 
however,  the  latter  is  a  reasonable  inference,  as  the 
Indians  would  not  dare  to  rifle  a  grave.  After  the 
chest,  with  the  body,  or  the  crucifix,  as  the  case  might 
have  been,  was  buried,  characters  were  cut  on  the 
face  of  the  rock,  and  the  unknown  adventurers  re- 
turned in  the  boat  to  the  ship,  which  soon  sailed 
away.  Persistent  search  has  been  made  for  this  treas- 
ure, parties  even  from  the  eastern  states  having 
looked  for  it.  It  was  on  the  southwest  side  that  it 
was  buried,  and  if  ever  deposited  there  it  is  probable 
that  the  edge  of  the  cliff  has  long  since  been  washed 
into  the  sea  by  the  constant  erosion.  The  Indian 
tradition  points  to  an  undoubted  landing,  but  at  what 
time  is  not  indicated;  it  was  probably  not  very  long 
before  the  white  men's  recorded  discoveries. 

The  second  appearance  of  white  men,  mentioned  by 
Mr.  Smith,  was  just  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Ne- 
halem  Eiver,  also  not  far  from  Necahnie  Mountain. 
The  Indians  state  that  a  ship  of  the  white  men  was 
driven  ashore  here,  and  wrecked.  The  crew,  how- 
ever, survived,  and  reaching  land,  lived  for  some  time 
with  the  natives.  A  large  part  of  the  vessel's  cargo 


168  THE    GROWTH    OF 

was  beeswax.  But  in  the  course  of  several  months 
the  white  men  became  obnoxious  to  the  Indians  on 
account  of  violating  their  marital  relations.  The 
whites  were  consequently  killed,  but  fought  to  de- 
fend themselves,  using  slung  shot.  As  Mr.  Smith 
notes,  this  would  indicate  that  they  had  lost  their 
arms  and  ammunition.  The  beeswax  has  been  found 
from  time  to  time,  drifted  at  some  distance  along 
the  beach.  The  greater  portion,  however,  has  been 
covered  over  with  sand  to  a  considerable  depth,  and 
lies  at  an  old  beach,  several  feet  above  the  present. 
Mr.  Smith  does  not  think  it  necessary  to  suppose 
that  it  was  brought  to  its  present  location— or  where 
the  greater  part  has  been  discovered— by  the  action 
of  the  waves,  but  probably  by  the  sailors  who  thus 
attempted  to  save  the  cargo.  By  some  mineralogists 
the  material  has  been  pronounced  not  beeswax,  but 
the  paraffine  produced  in  nature,  from  the  products 
of  coal,  or  petroleum.  But  the  true  beeswax  of  the 
material  seems  well  proven  by  the  fact  that  it  occurs 
in  cakes  of  considerable  size,  weighing  ten  pounds 
or  so,  each,  and  marked  with  the  monogram  I.  H.  S. 
Tapers  also,  of  large  size,  some  without  the  wicks, 
but  some  also  with  them,  are  found  among  the  rest. 
This  still  might  possibly  not  prove  the  animal  origin, 
as  the  wax  might  have  been  taken  originally  from 
some  European  mineral  deposit ;  but  the  presence  of 
a  bee,  as  is  stated,  in  some  of  the  wax,  would  nearly 
settle  the  question. 
Nevertheless  the  point  of  particular  interest  is  not 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  169 


the  animal  or  mineral  origin  of  the  material,  but 
that  it  came  to  its  present  location  by  the  act  of  white 
men— as  no  others  would  mould  the  letters  character- 
istic of  the  Catholic  faith  upon  the  cakes.  The  con- 
jecture of  Mr.  Smith  that  it  was  a  supply  vessel  from 
Mexico  for  some  mission  in  California,  carried  out 
of  her  course,  and  finally  wrecked  upon  the  Oregon 
coast,  is  probably  the  true  explanation.  The  further 
conjecture  that  it  was  the  ship  ''San  Jose,"  which 
left  La  Paz,  Lower  California,  June  16,  1769,  loaded 
with  mission  supplies  for  San  Diego,  Upper  Cali- 
fornia, and  was  never  again  heard  from,  may  also 
prove  correct. 

It  is  not  known  that  any  permanent  advantage  or 
influence  was  left  with  the  Indians  by  the  wreck  of 
this  beeswax  ship.  An  entertaining  story  has  been 
told  that  one  of  the  survivors  of  the  wreck,  who  had 
blue  eyes  and  golden  hair,  became  the  husband  of  a 
Nehalem  woman,  and  that  he  was  the  father  or  grand- 
father of  a  blue-eyed  and  freckled-faced  Indian,  of 
the  family  to  which  a  somewhat  noted  chief,  who  oc- 
cupied a  beautiful  spot  on  the  banks  of  a  lake  after- 
wards called  for  him  Quaiculliby,  or  Culliby,  be- 
longed. A  blonde  Indian  is  mentioned  by  Lewis  and 
Clark,  but  in  1805  sufficient  intercourse  with  whites 
had  been  established  to  account  for  such  an  occur- 
rence without  recourse  to  the  event  of  the  year  1769— 
if  the  lost  ship  were  truly  the  '^  San  Jose." 

The  scene  of  the  third  appearance  of  white  men 
mentioned  by  Mr.  Smith,  but  probably  first  in  order 


170  THE    GROWTH    OF 

of  time,  was  about  two  miles  south  of  the  mouth  of 
tlie  Columbia.  This  bears  upon  the  face  of  the  In- 
dians '  narrative,  the  evidence  of  being  the  very  first 
coming  of  the  white  men  remembered  by  the  Oregon 
Indians.  According  to  some  of  the  accounts  the  ship 
was  sighted  during  an  afternoon  in  strawberry  time, 
and  watched  with  suj)erstitious  interest,  the  Clatsops 
thinking  it  possible  that  this  was  a  reappearance  of 
Tallapus.  During  the  night,  however,  whether  or 
not  that  be  an  imaginative  introduction,  the  ship 
came  ashore,  and  in  the  morning  a  woman  living  oa 
the  weather  side  of  the  plains,  was  startled  by  the 
appearance  of  a  person,  in  garb  singular  to  her,  and 
with  a  long  beard  flowing  down  upon  his  breast. 
The  wreck  was  lying  in  the  breakers,  and  two  men 
were  on  the  beach,  having  built  a  fire  there  among 
the  driftwood,  and  were  roasting  pop  corn ;  and  they 
made  signs  to  her  for  water.  She  was  much  startled 
by  their  appearance,  and  went  to  the  village  for  help, 
wailing  out  as  she  went,  "  I  have  found  people  who 
are  men,  and  who  yet  are  bears. ' '  The  Clatsops  go- 
ing together  to  the  place  were  astonished  at  the  sight 
of  the  white  men,  and  even  more  so  at  the  food  they 
were  cooking— the  corn  popping  in  the  coals  being 
down  to  the  present  day  one  of  the  most  exciting 
episodes  of  the  narrative.  It  is  said,  too,  that  the 
chief  was  not  fully  satisfied  that  these  were  really 
men  until  he  had  carefully  examined  their  hands,  and 
found  they  agreed  perfectly  with  his  own.* 

*  See  story  of  Charlie  Ciiltee  in  From  Boas,  in  Addenda  to  Vol.  1. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  171 


''  From  the  manner  of  the  coming  of  these  cast- 
aways," says  Mr.  Smith,  ''  the  Clatsops  and  Chi- 
nooks  named  all  white  persons  without  respect  to 
nationality,  '  Tlo-hon-nipts, '  that  is,  '  Of  those  who 
drifted  ashore.'  "  This  would  indicate  beyond  all 
doubt  that  this  was  the  first  seen  of  white  men  by 
Indians. 

The  two  whites  were  claimed  as  slaves,  and  after 
the  ship,  which  at  low  tide  could  be  reached  from 
the  land,  was  ransacked  and  looted,  it  was  discovered 
that  one  of  the  men  was  able  to  make  knives  from 
the  iron ;  and  the  ship  was  then  burned  to  obtain  the 
iron.  The  name  of  the  iron  worker,  as  rendered  by 
the  Indians,  was  Konapee.  He  and  his  companion 
were  at  first  compelled  to  labor  incessantly,  but  in 
the  course  of  time  were  held  in  high  favor  and  given 
their  liberty.  Being  allowed  to  select  a  site,  Konapee 
came  around  to  the  Columbia  River  side  of  the  pen- 
insula and  built  a  house  of  his  own.  This  place  was 
called  by  the  Indians  ' '  Konapee  ' '  long  after  his  de- 
parture, and,  indeed,  down  to  the  times  of  white  set- 
tlement or  later.  Among  other  articles  brought  by 
Konapee  were  a  number  of  Chinese  cash,  which  were 
kept  among  the  Indians,  and  called  '*  Konapee 's 
money."  By  some  it  has  been  supposed  the  vessel 
wrecked  here  was  a  Japanese  or  Chinese  junk,  drift- 
ed across  the  ocean  and  lost.  But  this  supposition 
is  unnecessary,  as  the  Spaniards  had  early  estab- 
lished trading  relations  with  the  Philippines  and  Chi- 
nese ports,  and  a  vessel  returning  would  be  almost 


172  THE    GROWTH    OF 

certain  to  have  an  abundance  of  Ckinese  cask.  On 
the  other  hand  a  Japanese  or  Chinese  junk  would  not 
have  men  with  beards,  nor  by  any  possibility  have 
Indian  corn,  as  a  ship  from  Mexico  might  easily  have 
a  supply  left  over. 

Bearing  out  still  further  the  idea  that  this  was  a 
Spanish  ship  is  the  reference  by  Gabriel  Franchere* 
in  18]  4  to  meeting  an  old  man  at  the  Cascades,  whose 
name  was  Soto,  and  the  son  of  a  Spaniard,  who  was 
one  of  four  wrecked  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia. 
While  the  number  is  not  the  same,  the  Indians  stat- 
ing two,  and  Soto  stating  four,  the  other  circum- 
stances are  so  alike  that  it  is  more  than  probable 
that  the  father  of  Soto  w^as  Konapee— Konapee  hav- 
ing later  attempted,  as  is  also  said  by  the  Indians,  to 
reach  the  land  of  the  sunrise,  and  going  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Columbia  to  the  Cascades  and  marry- 
ing there  an  Indian  woman.  A  daughter  of  Konapee, 
or  Soto,  is  also  mentioned  by  Mr.  Smith,  she  being 
an  old  woman  in  about  1830,  when  seen  by  Mr. 
Smith's  mother.  Calculating  the  age  of  Soto  at 
about  eighty,  that  given  by  Franchere  in  1811,  it 
would  appear  that  Konapee  was  drifted  upon  the 
coast  of  Oregon  in  about  the  year  1725,  or  about  a 
century  after  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plym- 
outh Rock. 

It  would  thus  seem  quite  certain  that  the  Colum- 
bia was  first  seen  by  Spaniards,  but  it  was  not  "  dis- 
covered "—that  is,  the  fact  of  this  event  was  never 


Seo  Franchere,  in  Addenda  to  Vol.  I. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  173 

made  known  to  the  civilized  world,  and  no  benefit  to 
civilization  resulted.  However,  while  Konapee,  who 
may  have  been  a  man  of  intelligence,  and  whose  life 
on  the  lordly  Columbia  may  have  been  one  of  the 
great  romances  of  the  world,  as  it  certainly  could  not 
have  been  otherwise  had  he  understood  that  he  was 
actually  in  possession  of  the  greatest  geographical 
secret  of  the  age,  was  destined  to  spend  his  days 
with  the  savages,  never  to  return  to  his  native  land, 
we  can  trace  very  important  results  from  his  ac- 
cidental landing  at  the  Columbia.  From  him  the 
Clatsops  and  Chinooks,  and  probably  many  other 
tribes  learned  the  fact  that  there  were  white  men, 
and  the  knowledge  seemed  to  be  pretty  generally 
spread  that  on  the  salt  water  to  the  west  there  were 
men  with  beards  sailing  ships.  The  impression 
gained  of  Konapee  in  regard  to  white  men  was  one 
of  dignity,  and  generally  favorable.  Most  of  all, 
through  him  they  learned  the  use  of  iron— one  of  the 
great  inventions  of  the  world's  history,  which  intro- 
duced to  the  Oregon  Indians  a  new  industrial  age. 
One  of  the  very  noticeable  facts  mentioned  by  Cook 
in  his  observations  of  the  Indians  along  the  coast 
was  that  they  showed  no  surprise  at  the  sight  of 
iron  implements  or  weapons.  He  was  somewhat 
puzzled  to  account  for  their  acquaintance  with  this 
metal.  It  was  perhaps  Konapee  first  of  all  who  intro- 
duced iron  among  the  people  of  the  Pacific  northwest 
coast. 

The  effect  of  this  upon  the  disposition  and  the 


174  THE    GROWTH    OF 

progress  of  the  Columbia  River  Indians  might  have 
been  very  marked.  The  desire  for  iron  would  lead 
to  a  desire  to  see  more  of  the  white  men's  ships,  and 
to  consider  the  white  men  as  friends.  They  would 
naturally  learn  from  Konapee  that  the  whites  would 
trade  them  iron  for  any  valuables,  such  as  food  or 
clothing.  They  would  also  form  a  very  respectful 
opinion  of  the  white  men,  as  persons  of  unusual 
power,  and  gradually  gain  the  idea  that  it  was  not 
only  humane  but  wise  to  treat  any  that  came  among 
them  with  great  circumspection.  Whether  or  not 
this  disposition  dated  entirely  from  Konapee,  at  all 
events,  we  find  it  pre-eminently  marked  in  this  tribe. 
All  the  whites  ever  visiting  the  Columbia,  except  on 
one  or  two  occasions,  and  then  for  special  reasons, 
were  treated  with  perfect  friendliness  and  considera- 
tion, and  without  fear  or  surprise,  by  the  Chinooks 
and  Clatsops.  They  were  ready  from  the  first  to 
trade,  and  the  one  article  inquired  for  was  iron.  The 
love  of  beads  and  blankets  and  looking  glasses  and 
other  trinkets  was  fostered  later. 

The  immediate  effect  of  Konapee 's  residence  and 
work  among  the  Clatsops  may  have  been  consider- 
able to  increase  the  power  of  that  tribe.  We  find 
that  the  father  of  Kobaiway,  the  latter  being  chief 
at  the  time  of  Lewis  and  Clark's  visit,  became  one  of 
the  greatest  of  the  chiefs  of  the  coast  country,  hav- 
ing sufficient  wealth  to  support  twenty  wives,  and  to 
thus  form  alliances  with  many  different  tribes.  As 
each  wife  had  a  number  of  slaves,  and  as  the  Clatsop 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  175 

chief  must  keep  an  efficient  guard  for  his  numerous 
household,  it  appears  that  his  own  personal  family 
was  very  large.  Quite  a  portion  of  his  wealth  may 
have  been  derived  from  the  skill  of  his  artisans  who 
shaped  iron  into  knives,  which  probably  sold  for 
fabulous  prices  among  the  interior  tribes. 

Kobaiway,  the  successor  of  this  rich  chief,  was  also 
himself  a  powerful  ruler.  One  of  the  few  historical 
stories  of  an  Indian,  coming  down  without  mythical 
ornamentations,  is  told  of  this  afterward  famous  Clat- 
sop. He  once  went  to  the  Upper  Cascades  to  trade, 
proceeding  in  a  large  canoe  and  having  quite  a  body  of 
servants  to  carry  his  purchases.  Having  made  these 
satisfactorily,  which  were  so  numerous  as  to  load  all 
his  men,  he  was  returning  by  the  narrow  path,  from 
the  Upper  to  the  Lower  Cascades,  when  he  was  set 
upon  by  the  tribe  at  this  point.  They  were  friends 
under  strict  treaty,  but  their  desire  of  plunder  had 
overcome  their  scruples,  and  they  determined  to  at- 
tack and  destroy  the  Clatsop  and  his  band,  not  leav- 
ing one  to  tell  the  tale.  Kobaiway  himself  was  in 
the  lead,  having  in  each  hand  a  large  cup,  of  great 
value  to  the  Indians,  made  of  the  horns  of  the  Rocky 
Mountain  sheep.  With  these  he  instantly  felled  the 
two  Cascades  Indians  who  attacked  him,  and  plunged 
into  the  woods  and  made  his  escape.  Pursuing  his 
way  secretly  at  night,  and  hiding  by  day,  he  came 
at  length  to  an  open  country.  This  was  probably  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Washougal.  Early  in  the  morn- 
ing of  a  foggy,  or  smoky  day,  he  ventured  near  the 


176  THE    GROWTH    OF 

shore,  and  heard  the  beating  of  paddles,  the  signals 
being  of  a  war  canoe,  and  the  paddles  at  intervals 
being  struck  upon  the  sounding  sides  of  the  craft. 
He  then  distinguished  the  voices  of  men  chanting  the 
death  wail  of  a  chief,  and  soon  recognized  the  voices 
and  wailing  of  his  own  people.  This  was  a  war  party 
of  the  Clatsops  searching  for  their  chief  whom  they 
supposed  to  be  dead.  He  hailed  them  and  was  re- 
ceived by  his  people  with  great  rejoicing. 

Returning  to  Clatsop  Kobaiway  made  up  a  very 
strong  party,  being  under  obligation  by  the  customs 
and  laws  of  his  people  to  punish  treachery;    and 
making  his  way  to  the  Cascades,  fell  upon  the  village 
of  the  Cascades,  surrounding  them  at  night  and  at- 
tacking at  daybreak,  almost  annihilated  the  tribe. 
This  probably  greatly  extended  the  influence  of  the 
lower  Columbia  Indians  on  the  upper  Columbia,  and 
did  much  to  make  the  Columbia  and  especially  its 
portages  at  the   Cascades  and  the  Dalles  neutral 
ground  for  all  the  tribes.    This  was  greatly  in  the 
interest  of  all  the  explorers  and  traders  who  came 
afterwards,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  whites  who 
crossed  the  continent.    If  the  feeble  bands  of  the  first 
explorers  had  met  opposition  at  these  points  they 
might  never  have  returned  to  tell  the  tale  of  their 
discoveries.    Much  is  to  be  credited  to  the  Clatsops 
and  Chinooks  for  their  vigorous  influence  on  the  Co- 
lumbia, and  some  of  this  perhaps  is  due  to  Konapee 
and  his  iron  laiives. 

We  also  gain  the  impression  that  a  considerable 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  177 

trade  between  the  Indians  of  the  mouth  of  the  river 
and  the  interior  tribes  was  setting  in;  the  upper 
river  Indians  fetching  wild  flax,  camas,  flints,  horns, 
cheupp,  and  skins,  while  in  exchange  the  Coast  In- 
dians brought  up  to  the  trading  places  shells,  which 
were  the  original  money,  and  now  bits  of  iron  manu- 
facture, and  as  the  white  traders  appeared,  the  vari- 
ous trinkets  of  a  barbarous  taste.  The  greatest  bene- 
fits of  all  this  trade  went  first  to  the  Chinooks  and 
Clatsops. 


[Vol  1] 


CHAPTER  VI 
Energy  of  Spanish  Discoverers 


COLUMBUS  first  saw  San  Salvador  in 
October  of  1492.  Six  years  later  he 
saw  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  satisfy- 
ing himself  that  here  was  the  coast  of 
a  continent.  Fifteen  years  later  Balboa 
climbed  the  tree  on  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  and  looked 
first  with  European  eyes,  so  far  as  recorded  in  his- 
tory, upon  the  expanse  of  the  South  Sea,  or  Pacific. 
Only  six  years  later,  or  1519,  Cortes,  a  sickly  and 
little  known  youth,  having  first  gained  some  dis- 
tinction in  the  West  Indies  for  his  severity  in  work- 
ing the  natives  in  the  mines,  landed  at  Vera  Cruz, 
with  a  few  hundred  soldiers,  but  ready  to  tempt  for- 
tune in  whatever  region,  or  among  whatever  tribes. 
Two  years  later  he  had  conquered  Mexico,  and  im- 
pressed upon  it  the  Spanish  sovereignty  and  the  lan- 
guage, and  even  the  religion,  which  have  dominated 
to  the  present  day.  At  about  the  same  time,  1520, 
Magellan  (Magahaelens)  started  in  command  of  five 
Spanish  ships,  for  a  cruise  that  lasted  533  days,  put- 
ting in  irons,  leaving  upon  the  Patagonian  coast  re- 
fractory Spanish  subordinates  who  had  no  mind  to 
obey  a  Portuguese ;  doubling  South  America,  sailing 
through  the  lonely  southern  Pacific,  which,  however, 
treated  him  so  mildly  as  to  earn  its  present  name; 
discovering  Samar  of  the  Philippine  group,  but  per- 
ishing at  Mactan,  In  1530  Pizarro  forced  his  way 
into  Peru,  and  found  another  Mexico,  or  rather  an 
empire  so  much  richer  than  Mexico  as  to  turn  Cortes 
green  with  jealousy,  and  give  the  Captain  General  an 


182  THE    GROWTH    OF' 

unconquerable  thirst  for  more  islands  to  plunder.  In 
1542  De  Soto,  following  in  the  steps  of  Narvaez, 
traversed  Florida  and  Alabama,  and  penetrating 
northward  and  westward,  in  the  hope  of  another 
Peru,  such  as  he  had  seen  with  Pizarro,  circled  the 
present  Southern  States  as  far  as  Arkansas,  and 
found,  as  his  final  goal,  the  Mississippi  River,  on 
which  he  died,  and  in  whose  waters  it  was  necessary 
to  sink  his  body,  to  be  safe  from  the  indignities  of 
the  Indians,  whose  tribes  he  had  ravaged  along  his 
entire  route.  Within  just  half  a  century,  therefore, 
the  Spaniards,  with  the  most  miserable  equipments, 
had  overrun  the  greater  portion  of  North  America 
up  to  the  fortieth  degree,  had  conquered  the  best 
part  of  South  America,  and  had  sailed  around  the 
world— pushing  their  discoveries  westward  beyond 
the  Papal  allowance,  indeed,  and  gaining  territory 
west  of  the  180th  degree. 

Columbus  was  one  of  the  great  minds  of  the 
world,  willing  to  perform  any  labor  to  satisfy  his 
own  ideal  cravings.  He  only  used  as  means  the 
arguments  that  he  found  weighty  among  practical 
men.  It  was  neither  trade  nor  wealth  that  influenced 
his  actions,  and  the  large  conceptions  of  the  Italian 
Republics,  to  which  he  belonged,  is  manifest  in  all 
his  movements.  It  was  to  discover  the  secret  of  the 
sea,  as  Galileo  had  pondered  over  that  of  the  stars, 
or  Toricelli  over  that  of  the  air,  or  Michael  Angelo 
over  that  of  the  physical  frame,  that  Colmnbus  spent 
his  fortune  in  preparations  to  cross  the  Atlantic,  and 


■  GROf^i-fiHOI^ 


SrnBCHO    OB    F£fi/VASlO^At'^GAl.t1AeS 


CARTA  MARINA,   1548 

Beproduced  from  Winsur's  "  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America," 
nongtaton,   Mifflin  &  Co.,  Pnbllstaers. 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  183 

completed  his  work  only  with  the  end  of  a  long  life. 
But  the  men  that  followed  Columbus  had  little  share 
in  his  motives.  We  are  alternately  struck  with  their 
courage,  and  shocked  at  their  greed  and  cruelty. 
This,  however,  was  not  the  first,  nor  indeed  the  last, 
time  that  a  great  ideal  man  has  opened  the  gates  to 
a  flood  of  coarse  adventurers.  We  can  hardly  un- 
derstand how  the  thirst  for  gold  tinged  all  the  ideas 
and  conceptions  of  the  Spanish  conquerors  of  Amer- 
ica. They  made  the  cross,  which  they  were  too  su- 
perstitious to  discard,  but  the  servant  of  the  sword, 
and  the  war  cry  for  rapacity.  Eager  as  the  priest- 
hood of  the  time  showed  itself  for  Christian  con- 
verts, the  priests  were  shocked  at  the  cruelties  of  the 
conquerors  in  extracting  gold  from  the  stores  of  the 
native  kings  and  princes,  but  protested  in  vain. 

We  shall  not  understand  this  except  as  we  consider 
that  the  conquest  of  America  was  in  response  to  an 
economic  need  of  the  world.  The  world's  stock  of 
gold  had  run  low.  The  European  nations,  having 
first  been  taught  by  the  Roman  Empire  to  regard 
the  precious  metals  as  the  only  true  and  real  money 
—though  the  schoolmen  had  the  saying  of  Aristotle 
that  money  exists  not  by  nature,  but  by  law— had  by 
the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century  or  earlier, 
reached  a  point  when,  on  account  of  debased  money, 
credit  money— or  discredited  money— and  lack  of 
money,  honest  exchange  had  become  nearly  impossi- 
ble. The  total  stock  of  gold  of  the  world,  available 
at  that  time  in  Europe,  is  estimated  at  but  little  over 


184  THE    GROWTH    OF 

$150,000,000.  This  reduction  was  due  to  tlie  con- 
quest by  the  Saracens  of  the  old  gold  producing 
countries  whence  Rome  derived  her  supply,  and  the 
diversion  of  East  Indian  trade  to  the  eastern  centers. 
Venice  almost  alone  of  the  European  states  failed  to 
suffer,  as  she  introduced  a  substantial  system  of 
credits.  This  the  other  states  could  not  do,  or  feared 
to  do,  and  exchange  and  trade  were  reduced  to  the 
lowest  point.  The  results  of  this  economic  condition 
became  very  marked.  The  wars  of  Ferdinand,  in  ex- 
pelling three  million  Moors  from  his  realm,  and  ex- 
patriating many  thousands  of  Jews,  and  indeed  in 
establishing  the  inquisition,  received  their  greatest 
incentive  in  the  desire  to  gain  possession  of  stores  of 
precious  metals.  The  one  great  scientific,  or  chemi- 
cal question,  of  the  age  was  how  to  transmute  base 
metals  into  gold.  The  necessities  of  the  Pope,  in 
carrying  on  his  great  plans  for  building  St.  Peter's 
cathedral,  which  is  said  to  have  cost  eighty  million 
dollars,  led  to  measures  for  getting  the  supply  which 
in  turn  led  directly  to  the  Protestant  revolution.  The 
first  response  then  of  the  new  world  to  the  old,  was 
to  answer  to  the  desperate  economic  need  of  Europe. 
The  moment  that  it  was  known  that  there  was  gold 
in  the  new  possessions,  all  Spain  was  wild,  and  the 
wildest  and  most  insatiable  of  the  Spaniards  resorted 
thither  to  slake  their  thirst. 

The  philosophers'  stone  was  found  in  America; 
great  stores  of  gold  were  found  with  the  natives,  or 
both  gold  and  silver  in  fabulously  rich  mines.    The 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  185 

ransom  paid  by  the  Peruvian  to  Pizarro  for  release 
of  their  Inca  is  reckoned  as  worth  $15,000,000.  This, 
at  one  stroke,  would  dazzle  even  gold  seekers  of  the 
Rand,  or  of  the  Klondike.  The  result  in  Europe  was 
very  soon  manifest.  Spain  leaped  to  the  front  rank, 
and  in  but  a  short  time  we  find  the  king  of  Spain  the 
emperor  of  Germany. 

It  will  be  necessary  to  remember  the  above  facts, 
in  order  to  understand  the  bearing  of  Spanish  dis- 
covery upon  our  States  of  the  old  Oregon  country. 
With  such  immense  energy  as  was  shown  by  the 
Spaniards  in  America,  and  seeing  that  they  have  im- 
pressed their  language,  laws,  and  religion  upon 
America  from  the  guJfs  of  Mexico  and  California  to 
Cape  Horn,  and  have  practically  made  more  than  half 
the  new  world  Spanish  America,  we  must  trace  care- 
fully the  reasons  why  they  fell  short  of  Oregon. 
The  Spaniards  desired  all  that  they  could  get.  At 
any  time  after  the  conquest  of  Mexico  and  Peru  they 
could  command  both  men  and  money  for  any  expedi- 
tions they  might  wish  to  send  out.  Charles  Fifth 
united  the  power  of  both  Spain  and  Germany,  and 
no  European  state  dared  resist  his  shrewd  combina- 
tions. Moreover  the  Spanish  map-makers  and  story 
tellers  made  the  plainest  and  most  easy  water  routes 
directly  from  the  gulf  of  Mexico  to  Oregon.  Their 
conception  of  North  America,  taken  quite  largely 
from  what  they  actually  found  in  the  West  Indies, 
was  that  it  was  a  vast  archipelago,  with  most  de- 
sirable straits  and  sounds,  and  spacious  and  beautiful 


186  THE    GROWTH   OF 

havens,  offering  free  navigation  to  the  Indies  and 
Cathay.  It  is  worthy  of  curious  note  that  their  early 
maps  of  what  they  imagined  North  America  to  be, 
were  not  very  different  in  conception  from  what  the 
Eockj^  Mountain  country  and  Oregon  actually  were 
in  old  geologic  times.  Prior  to  the  Jurassic  period 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  might  have  been  found  extending 
to  St.  Louis,  with  great  lakes  or  gulfs  into  Minnesota ; 
arms,  at  least,  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  would  have  been 
found  reaching  as  far  eastward  as  Nebraska;  Ore- 
gon itself  would  have  been  a  region  of  sounds  and 
islands.  But  nature  herself  had  now  changed  this. 
What  was  then  "  low  "  North  America  had  become 
*'  high."  Nature  had  now  made  it  impossible  for 
Cortes  or  De  Soto  to  sail  from  the  West  Indies  to 
Oregon,  as  they  most  undoubtedly  would  have  done 
if  the  primitive  seas  had  been  left  open. 

Fernando  Cortes  was  a  man  much  like  Lord  Clive, 
who  subdued  India— a  character  such  as  almost  in- 
variably springs  up  in  times  of  great  change  and 
pecuniary  chances,  and  before  the  energy  of  a  long 
starved  but  active  people  has  become  sated.  He  had 
hardly  well  established  his  government  over  Mexico 
before  he  began  to  plan  much  further  and  greater 
enterprises.  He  despatched  explorers  to  the  south- 
ward, examining  the  country  until  fully  satisfied  that 
there  were  no  straits  leading  from  the  Gulf  or  the 
Caribbean  Sea  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  In  1526  he  began 
building  ships  on  the  Pacific  side  and  sent  two  of 
these  across  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  assist  the  Span- 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  187 

iards  in  their  contests  with  the  Portuguese  for  pos- 
session of  the  Moluccas  and  the  harbor  of  Macao 
near  Canton,  The  pope  had  divided  the  world  be- 
tween the  king  of  Spain  and  the  king  of  Portugal, 
and  already  the  two  were  contending  by  bloody  war 
for  the  mastery. 

But  while  seeing  the  vital  importance  of  making 
connection  with  the  mainland  of  Asia  for  an  open 
port — as  at  that  time  states  held  ports  strictly  for 
their  own  accommodation — Cortes  had  even  greater 
personal  plans  of  his  own.  He  must  be  credited  with. 
a  very  wide  scope  of  forethought,  and  his  energies 
lay  hold  at  one  stroke,  or  at  simultaneous  strokes,  of 
the  three  vital  courses  that  the  Spaniards  must  pur- 
sue ;  the  first  being,  as  just  stated,  to  seize  and  main- 
tain a  port  on  the  mainland  of  Asia,  on  the  Chinese 
coast ;  the  second  to  uphold  and  further  the  progress 
of  Spanish  conquest  southward,  down  the  South 
American  coast;  and  the  third  to  push  his  discov- 
eries and  conquests  to  the  northward.  This  set  forth 
at  the  beginning  the  sum  of  Spanish  policy,  which 
was  to  make  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  all  its  islands  and 
shores  the  exclusive  possession  of  Spain.  This 
policy  lasted  practically  three  hundred  years,  from 
1525,  as  laid  out  by  Cortes,  to  1819,  when  Spain 
formally  surrendered  a  part  of  her  title  to  the  United 
States. 

With  the  active  prosecution  of  these  schemes  in 
mind,  and  how  to  make  them  serve  his  own  elevation 
—which  was  ever  uppermost  with  him— Cortes  built 


188  THE    GROWTH    OF 


some  ships  on  the  Pacific  and  sent  them  exploring 
up  the  Mexican  Coast,  under  command  of  Pedro 
Nunez  Maldonado.  This  expedition  left  the  mouth 
of  the  Zacatula  in  July  1  of  1528,  and  proceeded  along 
the  coast  northward  but  about  three  hundred  miles, 
along  the  coast  of  a  country  called  Xalisco.  The 
natives  were  found  savage  and  unsubdued,  but  the 
land  fertile,  and  the  interior  was  thought  to  be  rich 
in  precious  metals. 

But  though  thus  energetic  to  press  before  all 
others  his  discoveries  northward  Cortes  would  not 
leave  to  chance  the  results  that  might  accrue,  and 
while  Maldonado  was  buffeting  the  waves  of  the  Pa- 
cific he  himself  set  out  for  Spain,  bringing  the  re- 
ports of  the  magnificent  triumphs  of  Spanish  arms, 
and  being  accorded  a  most  flattering  reception.  By 
Charles,  the  celebrated  emperor  of  Germany  as  well 
as  king  of  Spain,  he  was  royally  treated,  and  given 
great  titles  and  even  greater  privileges.  The  coun- 
try he  had  conquered  was  called  New  Spain,  and  of 
this  Cortes  was  made  Captain-General ;  he  was  also 
created  a  grandee  of  Castile,  and  styled  Marquis  of 
Oaxaca,  having  under  this  title  vast  estates  of  his 
own,  among  which  was  the  port  of  Tehuantepec.  Of 
even  more  importance  was  the  right  given  him  to 
discover  any  islands,  or  any  region  not  in  conflict 
with  the  grants  to  other  governors,  and  to  have  one- 
twelfth  of  the  precious  metals  or  output  of  mines 
discovered  for  himself  and  family  after  him.  With 
these  immense  grants  Charles  was  careful  to  make 


FERNANDO    CORTES 
Reproduced  from  Wlnsor's  "  Narrative  and  Critical  History  ot  America."     Houghton, 
Mifflin  &  Co.,  Publishers.     Fac-Blmlle  of  an  engraving  on  copper 
printed  at  Venice  In  1715. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  189 

him  responsible  to  tlie  Audiencia  at  Mexico— com- 
posed of  Cortes 's  personal  enemies.  The  course  of 
conquest  and  discovery  was  therefore  made  almost 
necessarily  but  a  tangle  of  quarrels  between  capable 
and  jealous  governors,  accentuated  according  as  each 
believed  that  nations  even  greater  than  the  Mexicans 
or  Peruvians  lived  to  the  north. 

Cortes  himself  was  sanguine  that  there  were  great 
and  wealthy  kingdoms  to  the  north  or  west,  and 
within  less  than  ten  years  fitted  out  four  expeditions, 
himself  leading  the  most  important.  The  next  after 
Maldonado  's  was  under  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  of  two 
vessels,  in  1532.  This  was  overtaken  by  misfortunes 
—mutiny,  a  retreat,  attack  by  natives,  and  finally  the 
ship  in  distress  and  barely  reaching  the  Mexican 
Coast,  but  to  be  captured  by  the  chief  rival  of  Cortes 
— Nuno  de  Guzman.  The  third  expedition  was  un- 
der Hernando  Grijalva  and  Diego  Becerra— both 
very  capable  captains.  Grijalva  discovered  a  group 
of  islands  off  the  Mexican  Coast,  but  Becerra 's  crew 
became  mutinous,  and  he  was  killed  by  the  pilot, 
Ximines;  but  Ximines  himself  and  twenty  of  the 
crew  were  also  killed  upon  a  point  of  land  that  they 
discovered  directly  west  of  Mexico— the  tip  of  Lower 
California,  which  was  considered  an  island.  The  few 
survivors  and  the  ship  fell  into  the  hands  of  Guz- 
man. 

Nothing  daunted,  however,  by  the  misfortunes  of 
his  ships  or  the  opposition  of  his  enemy,  Cortes 
gathered  up  a  land  force  and  built  three  ships,  and 


190  THE    GROWTH    OF 

set  off  for  the  supposed  island  discovered  by  Xim- 
ines.  Making  a  landing  at  a  bay,  which  he  called 
Vera  Cruz,  supposed  to  be  the  same  as  later  called 
La  Paz,  Cortes  took  possession  of  the  country  in  the 
name  of  his  Spanish  sovereign,  supposing  it  to  be 
another  Mexico.  It  was  in  fact  merely  the  barren 
peninsula  of  Lower  California,  and  here  the  con- 
queror wasted  his  forces  for  nearly  a  year  in  fruit- 
less wanderings,  while  his  enemies  were  effectively 
undermining  his  authority  in  Mexico.  For  a  time 
his  efforts  for  another  expedition  were  thwarted  and 
he  sent  his  ships  to  assist  Pizarro  in  Peru.  But  in 
1539  he  despatched  his  last  expedition,  which  sailed 
under  command  of  Francisco  de  Ulloa,  and  by  it  the 
gulf  of  California  was  explored  its  entire  length  and 
Lower  California  was  found  to  be  a  peninsula.  Ulloa 
also  doubling  Cape  St.  Lucas  examined  the  outer 
coast  and  discovered  the  island  of  Cedars,  which 
afterwards  became  of  importance  to  the  Spaniards. 
But  while  Cortes  was  meeting  with  slow  success  in 
the  exploration  of  the  coast  reports  were  received 
of  great  nations  on  the  mainland  to  the  northward, 
which  excited  the  governor  of  Mexico  and  other 
leaders  to  fresh  exertions.  The  reports  were  brought 
first  into  Mexico  bv  an  adventurer  who  had  wandered 
from  Florida,  where  he  had  gone  with  Narvaez,  to  a 
town  at  the  entrance  of  the  gulf  of  California  on  the 
Pacific.  This  man,  whose  name  was  Cabeza-Vaca, 
had  spent  nine  years,  with  two  Spaniards  and  a  Moor, 
in  crossing  the  continent,  and  declared  that  great 


AN    AMEKICAN    STATE  191 

peoples  dwelt  to  the  north..  Mendoza,  the  governor 
ol'  Mexico,  was  preparing  a  military  expedition  to 
follow  up  these  reports,  but  was  persuaded  by  Las 
Casas,  a  truly  pious  man,  who  was  sickened  by  the 
bloodshed  of  his  countrymen,  to  intrust  the  expedi- 
tion to  two  priests,  who  could  conduct  the  explora- 
tion quietly,  see  all  that  was  to  be  found,  and  return 
without  either  antagonizing  or  alarming  the  natives. 
Two  friars  were  accordingly  sent,  and  in  due  time 
returned  with  such  glowing  accounts  as  to  make  all 
the  governors  jealous  to  control  the  conquest  of  the 
new  lands.  Friar  Marcos  reported  that  he  had  en- 
tered cities  built  of  stone,  with  four-story  houses; 
and  that  Cibola,  the  city  which  he  visited,  was  but 
one  of  seven,  the  greatest  being  Totonteac.  Men- 
doza, Guzman,  Alvarado,  and  Cortes,  and  even  De 
Soto,  who  had  not  yet  started  upon  his  own  disas- 
trous tour,  quarreled  to  have  the  lead,  Cortes  at  last 
being  forced  back,  and  quitting  Mexico. 

The  difficulty  was  finally  settled,  and  an  exploring 
expedition  was  conducted  into  Arizona  and  New 
Mexico,  and  finally  into  the  buffalo  country  of  Colo- 
rado; but  no  rich  or  powerful  cities  were  found. 
The  Spaniards  were  pleased  at  times  with  the  de- 
lightful climate,  or  with  some  fertile  valley,  and  be- 
sought their  leaders  to  stop  and  settle.  But  for  men 
looking  for  vast  countries  to  conquer  the  southern 
Eocky  Mountain  region  had  no  attractions.  The  na- 
tives were  found  to  be  very  astute,  giving  informa- 
tion of  wonderful  cities  or  powerful  princes  further 


192       GROWTH    OF  AN   AMERICAN    STATE 

on,  but  it  linally  became  apparent  that  this  was  for 
the  purpose  of  urging  the  explorers  out  of  their  own 
country.  At  length  both  expeditions,  one  under 
Alarcon,  by  ship,  and  the  Colorado  River,  and  the 
other  under  Coronado,  entirely  by  land,  although 
having  had  the  wealth  of  Arizona  and  Colorado  un- 
der their  feet,  returned  with  the  conclusion  that  the 
rumors  of  Cabeza  and  the  reports  of  Marcos  were 
alike  gross  exaggerations.  They  had  discovered, 
however,  that  there  was  no  waterway  across  the 
continent  of  North  America  to  the  south  of  latitude 
forty.  It  is  significant  that  this  marked  the  northern 
limit  of  Spanish  exploration  by  land.  The  last 
*'  king  "  they  went  to  see  was  one  Tatarrax,  an  old 
man,  who  worshiped  a  cross  of  gold,  as  reported  by 
the  natives,  but  had  actually  nothing  more  valuable 
than  a  copper  piece  hanging  about  his  neck.  The 
last  ripple  of  Spanish  exploration  northward  by  land 
here  died  on  the  Rocky  Mountains  of  Colorado. 

On  the  ocean,  however,  it  was  thought  advisable 
to  continue  exploration,  and  in  1542,  while  De  Soto 
was  finding  the  Mississippi,  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo 
reached  as  high  a  latitude  as  thirty-eight  degrees,  a 
little  north  of  San  Francisco  Bay.  Returning  as  far 
as  the  Santa  Barbara  Islands,  he  there,  already  re- 
duced by  sickness,  died;  and  his  pilot,  Ferrelo, 
turned  north  once  more,  passing  Cape  Mendocino; 
and  possibly  reached  a  point  off  the  Oregon  coast. 


CHAPTER  VII 
The  Spanish  in  the  Pacific 


[Vol.  1] 


THE  governors  of  Mexico,  however,  now 
began  to  realize  that  their  greater  in- 
terests lay  in  making  the  route  to  the 
Indies  secure,  and  establishing  their 
authority  and  commerce  with  China. 
The  dreams  of  Cortes,  to  which  the  inventions,  or 
exaggerations  of  Friar  Marcos  were  well  suited,  and 
which  show  how  keen  an  observer  of  Spanish  char- 
acter was  Cervantes,  and  that  many  Don  Quixotes 
came  to  America,  were  given  up  as  mythical,  and 
all  their  energies  were  turned  against  the  Portuguese 
in  India.  The  result  was  in  the  end  a  complete  tri- 
mnph,  and  for  two  and  a  half  centuries  Spain  be- 
came mistress  of  the  greatest  ocean  of  the  world. 
The  final  success  was  not  attained  without  prelim- 
inary failure— the  third  attempt,  however,  carrying 
the  charm.  The  expedition  of  Loyosa  from  Spain, 
in  1525,  to  which  Cortes  sent  two  ships,  with  the  ob- 
ject of  taking  the  Philippine  Islands,  proved  a  disas- 
ter. The  second  under  Ruy  Lopez  de  Villabos,  who 
crossed  the  ocean  from  Mexico  with  a  large  squadron, 
also  turned  out  badly— his  forces  being  dispersed 
after  he  had  formally  taken  possession  of  the  islands. 
But  in  1564,  after  forty  years  of  effort,  Miguel  de 
Legazpi,  from  Mexico,  subjugated  the  coveted  archi- 
pelago, and  established  an  authority  which  contin- 
ued to  the  days  of  Dewey.  But  probably  more  valu- 
able than  the  conquest,  or  at  least  making  the  con- 
quest practically  valuable,  was  the  discovery  of  a 
Friar  in  the  squadron  of  Legazpi.     This  was  one 


196  THE    GROWTH    OF 

Urdanata,  well  known  as  a  skillful  navigator,  and  by 
careful  observations  he  found  the  true  courses  of  the 
winds  in  the  Pacific.  Sailing  west  was  easy  and  com- 
paratively expeditious,  the  trade  winds  blowing  con- 
stantly from  the  northeast ;  but  to  return  was  almost 
beyond  endurance.  Urdanata,  however,  surmised 
that  toward  the  north  the  winds  would  be  variable, 
and  with  a  boldness  reminding  one  of  Columbus, 
proved  his  theory,  running  north  to  the  fortieth  de- 
gree and  then  sailing  east  to  the  coast  of  California, 
where  the  northwest  winds  of  summer,  blowing  con- 
stantly, soon  took  the  vessels  down  to  Mexico. 

These  great  results  led  at  once  to  establishing  com- 
merce between  Mexico  and  Asia.  Acapulco  became 
the  chief  port  on  the  American  side,  and  Manila,  in 
the  Philippines,  and  Macao,  in  China,  on  the  Asiatic. 
The  voyage  from  America  consumed  about  three 
months,  and  the  return  was  much  longer.  Large  ves- 
sels, called  galleons,  were  constructed  for  freighting, 
and  there  was  little  danger  from  storm,  and  none  at 
all  from  formidable  enemies.  The  Portuguese  were 
effectually  checked,  and  no  other  European  nation 
at  that  early  day  had  a  thought  of  entering  the  Pa- 
cific. The  Spaniards  of  both  Mexico  and  South 
America  had  an  unlimited  supply  of  gold  and  silver, 
with  which  they  purchased  the  fabrics  and  wares  of 
China,  which  were  in  great  demand  by  the  rich 
Americans,  or  Spanish  in  America,  and  also  were 
largely  transported  across  the  country  and  exported 
to  Spain.    These  were  silks,  spices  and  porcelains,  a 


THE   NANCY   GLOBE 

Reprodaced  from  Winsor's  "  Narrative  and  Critical  Hlfitory  of  America,' 
Houghton,   MlfDln  &  Co.,  PubllBbera. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  197 

traffic  which  had  made  Venice  great,  and  which  had 
later  enriched  the  Portuguese. 

The  wealth  of  Spain  was  prodigiously  increased, 
and  her  power  in  Europe  augmented,  so  that  al- 
though often  humiliated  by  her  own  blunders,  she 
remained  paramount  for  many  years.  Rightly  un- 
derstanding that  the  greatest  source  of  her  power 
was  in  the  possession  of  America  and  an  unlimited 
use  and  control  of  the  Pacific,  or  South  Sea,  she 
speedily  laid  down  a  policy  that  would  insure  to  her- 
self these  advantages  for  all  time.  The  New  World 
was  to  be  ruled  by  Spain  strictly  in  the  interest  of 
Spain.  One  fear,  even  from  the  first  exploits  of 
Cortes,  was  that  so  many  Spaniards  would  go  to  the 
New  World,  and  become  so  powerful  that  they  would 
ultimately  cast  off  the  Spanish  authority— a  very 
just  fear.  To  provide  against  this  no  Spaniard  was 
allowed  to  emigrate  from  Spain  to  the  New  World 
without  express  permission  of  the  king.  Only  fa- 
vorites, or  men  of  compliant  disposition,  were  thus 
permitted  to  settle,  and  these  in  numbers  small 
enough  to  make  it  necessary  to  depend  on  Spain.  As 
for  foreigners,  they  were  absolutely  forbidden  in  the 
Spanish  possessions,  and  treated  as  bandits  if  found 
there.  Navigation  of  the  Spanish  waters  was  forbid- 
den to  foreigners,  who,  if  found  upon  them,  were  ac- 
counted pirates.  Discoveries  could  not  be  carried  on 
without  permission ;  no  article  that  could  be  import- 
ed from  Spain  was  allowed  to  be  manufactured  in 
America ;  no  commerce  could  be  carried  on  except  in 


198  THE    GROWTH    OF 

vessels  belonging  to  the  government,  or  licensed  by 
it.  This  was  the  extreme  of  the  universal  theory  of 
European  nations  at  that  time,  that  colonies  existed 
for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the  mother  country.  Eng- 
land fell  subsequently  into  the  same  policy,  and  this 
is  probably  inevitable  in  any  strictly  colonial  system, 
where  the  principle  of  Home  Rule  is  not  admitted. 

The  splendid  achievements  of  the  Spaniards  across 
the  Pacific,  and  speedy  erection  of  a  power  in  Mexico 
that  became  the  rival  of  Spain  herself,  called  all  seri- 
ous attention  from  the  northern  coast  for  many 
years.  This  was  universally  regarded  as  an  inhos- 
pitable country,  devoid  of  wealth,  and  not  worthy  of 
exploration.  Nevertheless  it  was  at  length  forced 
upon  Spanish  attention  as  a  possible  point  of  danger. 
The  more  valuable  that  the  Pacific,  or  South  Sea,  be- 
came to  the  Spaniards,  the  more  they  saw  the  ne- 
cessity of  guarding  it  against  incursions  of  other 
nations.  A  project  for  a  canal  across  the  Isthmus  of 
Darien  was  brought  to  the  attention  of  Philip  the  Sec- 
ond, and  was  instantly  discarded.  Indeed,  "  his  maj- 
esty decreed  that  no  one  should  in  future  attempt,  or 
even  propose,  such  an  undertaking,  under  pain  of 
death,"  as  the  geographer,  Alcedo,  narrates.  Actual 
incursions,  moreover,  were  made  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  century,  by  way  of  Cape  Horn,  the  English  tak- 
ing the  lead,  though  followed  by  Dutch  buccaneers, 
of  whom  details  will  be  mentioned  in  a  succeeding 
chapter;  and  it  began  to  be  feared  that  there  might 
yet  be  a  passage  around  North  America,  which  would 


AN   AMEEICAN   STATE  199 

furnish  a  route  into  the  Pacific.  The  necessity  of 
finding  and  fortifying  it,  if  it  existed,  became  appar- 
ent. 

Late  in  the  sixteenth  century  these  dangers,  and 
also  certain  fictitious,  or  apochryphal  accounts  of 
the  northern  passages,  were  brought  to  the  attention 
of  Philip  II,  a  most  morose  and  suspicious  monarch. 
Torquemada,  the  Spanish  historian,  thus  tells  of  the 
result:  "  His  majesty  knew  that  the  viceroys  of 
Mexico  had  endeavoured  to  discover  a  northern  pas- 
sage ;  and  he  had  found,  among  his  father 's  papers, 
a  declaration  of  certain  strangers,  to  the  effect  that 
they  had  been  driven  by  violent  winds,  from  the  cod- 
fish coast,  on  the  Atlantic,  to  the  South  Sea,  through 
the  Straits  of  Anian,  which  is  beyond  Cape  Men- 
docino, and  had  on  their  way,  seen  a  rich  and  popu- 
lous city,  well  fortified,  and  inhabited  by  a  numerous 
and  civilized  nation,  who  had  treated  them  well ;  as 
also  many  other  things  worthy  to  be  seen  and  known. 
His  majesty  had  also  been  informed  that  ships,  sail- 
ing from  China  to  Mexico,  ran  great  risks,  particu- 
larly near  Cape  Mendocino,  where  the  storms  were 
most  violent,  and  that  it  would  be  advantageous  to 
have  that  coast  surveyed  thence  to  Acapulco,  so 
that  the  ships,  mostly  belonging  to  his  majesty, 
should  find  place  for  relief  and  refreshment  when 
needed. ' ' 

The  order  was  therefore  given  to  Monterey,  the 
viceroy  of  Mexico,  to  have  the  coast  surveyed  at  his 
own  expense.    As  this  is  the  origin  of  the  name  of  the 


200  THE    GROWTH    OF 

Bay  of  Monterey,  in  California,  it  may  well  be  noted 
as  marking  the  movement  of  Spanish  power  toward 
Oregon.  It  should  also  be  noticed  that  after  the 
proper  mode  of  navigating  the  Pacific  had  been  found 
by  Urdenata,  the  California  Coast  became  well 
known  to  the  pilots  from  Manila  and  China,  from 
Cape  Mendocino  down.  It  is  stated  that  the  Bay  of 
San  Francisco  seems  to  have  been  well  known  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  century.  Any  time  after  the  close 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  therefore,  such  wrecks 
as  the  one  mentioned  in  the  tradition  of  the  Clatsops 
about  Konapee,  might  have  happened,  a  galleon  re- 
turning from  Manila  being  blown  out  of  her  course 
by  a  storm  from  the  south. 

As  a  result  of  his  orders  Monterey  sent  Sebastiau 
Vizcaino,  a  distinguished  officer,  on  an  expedition  of 
discovery  along  the  Lower  California  coast.  As 
this  was  at  the  viceroy's  own  expense  the  expedition 
was  probably  not  very  well  equipped  and  little  was 
done,  except  to  try  to  plant  a  colony  in  Lower  Cali- 
fornia. Philip  II  died  soon  after ;  but  his  successor, 
Philip  III,  ordered  the  survey  renewed,  and  in  con- 
sequence a  much  better  fitted  expedition  was  pro- 
vided, having  an  equipment  of  instruments  and  ns 
scientific  a  corps  as  could  be  obtained  in  Mexico. 
This  left  Acapulco  in  1602—300  years  ago.  With 
the  delays  and  troubles  of  this  expedition  we  need 
not  linger  except  to  quote  from  the  old  narrator,  who 
found  natural  enemies  to  the  Spanish,  which  he  read- 
ily believed  were  in  league  with  the  evil  one.     He 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  201 

speaks  of  their  "  chief  enemy,"  the  North  West 
Wind,  which  was  raised  up  **  by  the  foe  of  the  hu- 
man race,  in  order  to  prevent  the  advance  of  the 
ships,  and  to  delay  the  discovery  of  those  countries, 
and  the  conversion  of  their  inhabitants  to  the  Cath- 
olic faith  "—though  possibly  the  Providential  pur- 
pose was  quite  as  much  to  let  the  country  and  its  in- 
habitants wait  for  another  race  of  people,  to  whom 
the  deserts  and  the  northwest  winds  would  be  no 
enemy. 

The  expedition  consisted  of  two  large  ships,  and 
a  small  one,  and  the  results  were  important.  The 
little  one,  called  a  frigate,  or  fragata,  performed 
the  most  interesting  services,  and  made  not  only  the 
first  known  landing  on  the  shores  of  Oregon,  but 
brought  reports  that  quite  influenced  geographical 
opinion  for  more  than  a  century.  The  Bay  of  Mon- 
terey was  entered  and  given  its  present  name  by 
Vizcaino.  After  leaving  this  most  beautiful  of  ports 
the  three  vessels  were  parted  in  a  storm,  Vizcaino 
taking  refuge  in  San  Francisco  Bay,  but  afterwards 
sailed  north  as  far  as  the  forty-second  parallel,  and 
discovering  a  high  white  bluff,  which  may  have  been 
Blanco,  or  Orford.  He  returned  to  Mexico,  with 
much  valuable  information.  The  fragata  under 
Aguilar  also  went  north  and  in  latitude  43,  or  beyond, 
made  important  discoveries.  Torquemada,  as  trans- 
lated by  the  American  historian,  Greenhow,  thus  de- 
scribes the  first  authentic  landing  of  Spaniards  on 
any  part  of  the  Oregon  coast. 


202  THE    GROWTH    OF 

He  says — "  The  frayata  parted  from  the  Capitana 
(Vizcaino's  ship),  and  supposing  that  she  had  gone 
onward,  sailed  in  pursuit  of  her.  Being  in  the  lati- 
tude of  41  the  wind  began  to  blow  from  the  south- 
west, and  the  frayata  being  unable  to  withstand  the 
waves  on  her  beam,  ran  before  the  wind  until  she 
found  shelter  under  the  land,  and  anchored  near 
Cape  Mendocino,  behind  a  great  rock,  where  she  re- 
mained until  the  gale  had  passed  over.  When  the 
wind  became  less  violent  they  continued  their  voyage 
close  along  shore,  and,  on  the  19th  of  January,  the 
pilot,  Antonio  Flores,  found  that  they  were  in  the 
latitude  of  43  degrees,  where  they  found  a  cape,  or 
point,  which  they  named  Cape  Blanco.  From  that 
point  the  coast  begins  to  turn  northwest;  and  near 
it  was  discovered  a  rapid  and  abundant  river,  with 
ash  trees,  willows,  and  brambles,  and  other  trees  of 
Castile,  on  its  banks,  which  they  endeavoured  to  enter, 
but  could  not  from  the  force  of  the  current.  Ensign 
Martin  de  Aguilar,  the  commander,  and  Antonio 
Flores,  the  pilot,  saw  they  had  already  reached  a 
higher  latitude  than  had  been  ordered  by  the  viceroy, 
in  his  instructions;  that  the  Capitana  did  not  ap- 
pear: and  that  the  number  of  the  sick  was  great, 
agreed  to  return  to  Acapulco ;  and  they  did  so,  as  1 
shall  hereafter  show.  It  is  supposed  that  this  river 
is  the  one  leading  to  a  great  city,  which  was  discov- 
ered by  the  Dutch  when  they  were  driven  thither  by 
storms,  and  that  it  is  the  Strait  of  Anian,  through 
which  the  vessels  passed,  in  sailing  from  the  North 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  203 

Sea  (Atlantic)  to  the  South  Sea  (Pacific) ;  and  that 
the  city  called  Quivira  is  in  those  parts;  and  that 
this  is  the  region  referred  to  in  the  account  which 
his  majesty  read,  and  which  induced  him  to  order 
this  expedition." 

Aguilar's  discovery  was  of  some  small  river,  prob- 
ably in  large  flood,  after  the  rain,  but  certainly  not 
worthy  of  the  supposition  made  by  Torquemada. 
However,  it  suited  the  purpose  of  the  King  and  the 
Spanish  people  to  have  it  published  that  they  knew 
and  possessed  the  Pacific  entrance  of  whatever  strait 
there  was  across  the  northern  part  of  North  America. 
It  was  also  found  convenient  to  have  this  unim- 
portant but  honest  little  river,  which  would  never 
have  knowingly  lent  itself  to  purposes  of  deception, 
considered  as  another  opening  to  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia, the  tradition  that  North  America  was  com- 
posed of  islands  having  become  too  thoroughly  fixed 
in  the  Spanish  mind  to  be  uprooted  at  once ;  though 
with  only  superficial  evidence.  Accordingly  the 
map-makers  showed  all  California  as  an  island,  up 
to  the  43d  degree.  The  Straits  of  Anian  were  also 
drawn,  and  the  little  river  was  also  figured  as  of 
great  size.  From  these  conclusions,  suiting  well  both 
Spanish  political  claims  and  Spanish  fancy  grew 
the  idea  of  a  great  northern  river,  which  was  coupled 
with  inland  straits  and  passages.  Disquiet  was  re- 
lieved, and  dangers  of  fresh  irruptions  of  English 
and  Dutch  from  the  Atlantic  side  were  no  longer 
feared.     It  was  nature,  however,  not  any  effective 


204  THE    GROWTH    OP 

Spanish  fortifications  or  forethought,  that  guarded 
Oregon  from  the  Dutch  and  English. 

Not  for  a  hundred  and  sixty  years  after  Vizcaino 's 
and  Aguilar's  expedition,  which  covered  only  about 
the  same  ground  as  Cabrillo's  as  noticed  by  Green- 
how,  did  the  Spaniards  attempt  any  further  explora- 
tions, or  plan  conquests  to  the  north.  Spanish  power 
was  declining  in  Spain,  and  the  Pacific  was  repeated- 
ly broken  into  by  her  enemies,  though  still  main- 
tained, whenever  she  was  able,  as  her  exclusive  prop- 
erty. 

Movements  of  Spanish  people  northward  were 
slowly  made.  The  Jesuits  first  established  missions 
in  Lower  California,  but  were  at  length  expelled 
from  all  Mexico,  having  shown  great  ability  in  gain- 
ing wealth  for  their  institutions,  which  made  them 
in  turn  a  rich  prize  for  governors.  The  Spaniards, 
however,  were  still  strongly  Catholic,  and  in  the 
later  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  that  is  in  1769, 
an  effort  was  made  to  colonize  California  under  re- 
ligious influences.  The  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  De  Croix, 
moved  a  general  impulse  to  restore  again  the 
power  of  Spain  in  the  Pacific,  looked  over  the  old 
charts  and  reports  of  Vizcaino,  and  decided  that  the 
magnificent  harbors  of  San  Diego  and  Monterey 
would  afford  the  best  places.  La  Paz,  the  old  camp 
of  Cortes,  was  selected  as  the  starting  point,  and 
here  was  collected  a  small  body  of  settlers,  under 
Franciscan  friars,  who  were  to  march  overland  to 
San  Diego.     This  was  a  true  immigration,  having 


a  J.  M  3  MO. I 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  205 

cattle  and  the  necessaries  of  a  civilized  community. 
We  are  not  dealing  here  with  the  history  of  Califor- 
nia, but  this  settlement  is  of  great  interest,  as  it  may 
be  remarked  that  to  the  cattle  brought  there,  or  in  the 
same  way  later,  probably  many  of  the  Spanish 
animals  of  the  early  pioneer  days  of  Oregon  may 
be  traced. 

There  were  two  parties  of  the  colonists,  one 
reaching  San  Diego  in  May,  and  beginning  settle- 
ment; and  the  second  not  until  two  months  later. 
To  us,  who  think  of  California  as  a  land  of  perpetual 
spring  or  summer,  the  hardships  and  privations  of 
these  first  Californians  seem  hardly  credible.  Yet 
both  by  land  and  sea  the  Spanish  complain  of  great 
sufferings  in  all  their  expeditions;  and  no  doubt 
justly,  though  these  were  due  rather  to  bad  manage- 
ment and  insufficient  supplies.  Two  ships  de- 
spatched as  auxiliaries  reached  San  Diego.  The  sec- 
ond party  was  to  go  on  to  Monterey.  But  the  leader 
took  his  company  past  that  point,  and  came  out  upon 
San  Francisco  Bay.  With  this  party  we  feel  the 
more  interest,  as  their  supply  ship,  which  had  sailed 
from  La  Paz  with  those  of  the  San  Diego  settlement, 
never  reached  its  destination.  According  to  the 
Spanish  account  it  sailed  from  La  Paz,  but  was  never 
heard  from  afterwards.  The  surmise  of  Mr.  Smith, 
who  relates  the  legend  of  the  Indians,  that  this 
was  the  vessel  bringing  the  beeswax,  and  wrecked  on 
the  Oregon  Coast  at  the  mouth  of  the  Nehalem,  is 
perhaps  correct.    Portala,  the  leader,  and  his  party, 


206  THE    GROWTH    OF 

not  getting  their  supplies,  and  finding  that  the  win- 
ter rains  were  about  to  begin,  returned  to  San  Diego. 
Settlements,  however,  rapidly  increased  in  Califor- 
nia ;  missions  were  established,  and  many  native  con- 
verts were  made,  who  worked  at  the  missions,  and 
were  a  source  of  no  inconsiderable  profit  to  the  re- 
ligious establishments.  The  natives  received  agri- 
cultural as  well  as  religious  training,  and  were  min- 
gled more  or  less  with  the  Spanish  population  when 
California  was  received  into  the  American  Union. 

By  the  time  the  settlements  were  made  in  Califor- 
nia, Spain  was  warned  by  the  progress  of  events  that 
she  must  no  longer  remain  in  ignorance  of  the  coun- 
try to  the  north  of  California,  and  the  old  fear  of 
Philip  was  revived.  Others  nations,  and  especially 
England,  were  advancing  so  rapidly  upon  the  sea 
that  the  possible  occupation  of  the  northwest  coast  of 
America  was  every  day  becoming  probable.  Eng- 
land had  long  since  declared  that  the  simple  fact  of 
discovery  could  not  be  regarded  by  her  as  a  title  to 
any  country,  unless  followed  up  by  actual  use  and 
occupation.  Russia,  as  we  shall  see  later,  had  long 
before  the  California  settlements  been  occupying 
posts  on  the  northern  coast.  The  control  of  the  Pa- 
cific Ocean  was  still  something  worthy  to  contend  for, 
and  the  actual  establishment  of  either  England  or 
Russia  at  the  mouth  of  the  great  river  that  was  sup- 
posed to  lie  to  the  north  could  not  be  allowed.  The 
only  effectual  check  on  this,  short  of  successful  war, 
was  to  discover  and  occupy  the  mouth  of  the  river. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  207 

Accordingly,  by  order  of  the  Spanish  Government, 
three  exploring  expeditions  were  now  made.  The 
first  was  in  1774,  and  the  last  in  1779.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  this  was  done  during  the  period  of  our 
Kevolutionary  war,  which  resulted  at  length  in  war 
between  Great  Britain  and  France,  and  also  with 
Spain.  England  was  therefore  less  interested  than 
she  might  be  otherwise  in  pressing  her  claims  and 
watching  the  Spanish  in  the  Pacific. 

The  first  of  the  three  voyages  was  made  by  Juan 
Perez,  sailing  from  San  Bias  in  January  of  1774. 
He  touched  at  San  Diego,  and  also  at  Monterey,  leav- 
ing the  latter  place  in  June.  His  orders  were  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  sixtieth  degree  of  latitude,  and  thence 
coast  south,  examining  the  shores  and  harbors.  He 
reached  the  fifty-fourth  degree  by  the  18th  of  July, 
but  on  account  of  stormy  weather,  and  the  ever  prev- 
alent scurvy  on  Spanish  vessels,  here  put  about, 
and  began  the  examination  of  the  shore.  He 
touched  at  Queen  Charlotte's  Island,  and  traded 
trifling  articles  for  valuable  furs,  such  as  sea  otter; 
but  appeared  not  to  realize  the  importance  of  this 
fact.  That  his  examination  was  not  very  close  is 
shown  by  the  further  fact  that  he  did  not  again 
see  land  until  in  latitude  49  degrees,  and  that  he  did 
not  learn  that  Queen  Charlotte's  Island  was  not  con- 
nected with  the  main  land.  Indeed,  he  was  wholly 
ignorant  of  the  system  of  interior  passages  of  south- 
ern Alaska,  where  he  might  have  spent  many 
months  in  what  would  seem  true  Anians.     He  re- 


208  THE    GROWTH    OF 

mained  in  ignorance  that  Vancouver's  Island  was 
separated  from  the  main  land,  although  finding 
a  fine  harbor,  supposed  to  be  Nootka,  or  perhaps 
Clyoquot.  The  natives  were  found  ready  to  trade,  but 
he  was  much  surprised  that  there  were  among  them 
knives  and  arrow  tips  of  iron— affording  incidental 
evidence  of  the  visits  of  such  men  as  Konapee,  as  told 
of  by  the  Clatsops.  Neither  did  Perez,  nor  his  pilot, 
Martinez,  see  the  Straits  of  Fuca— the  original  dis- 
covery of  which,  as  supposed,  will  be  related  in  an- 
other chapter;  though  Martinez  afterward  stated 
that  he  saw  the  southern  cape  of  the  entrance.  The 
results  of  the  voyage  were  therefore  quite  negative. 
They  sighted  the  snowy  range  of  the  Olympic  Moun- 
tains, to  which  they  gave  the  name  Sierra  de  Santa 
Rosalia. 

The  results  of  this  voyage  were  so  meager  that  the 
Spanish  Government  withheld  publication,  and  a  sec- 
ond expedition  was  immediately  ordered.  This  was 
to  be  with  two  vessels,  one  a  ship  and  the  other  a 
schooner,  with  the  orders  to  proceed  as  far  north  as 
the  sixty-fifth  degree.  The  ship  was  under  Bruno 
Heceta,  and  the  schooner,  on  account  of  the  loss  of 
mind  by  her  first  captain,  was  placed  under  Bodega 
—Lieutenant  Juan  Francisco  de  la  Bodega  y  Quadra. 
Bodega  proved  the  more  faithful  man,  but  Heceta 's 
part  in  the  voyage  is  of  more  interest  to  us.  The 
two  crafts  together  left  San  Bias  in  March,  and  by 
the  10th  of  June  had  "doubled  Cape  Mendocino,  north 
of  which  they  found  a  small  bay,  where  they  entered 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  209 

and  remained  nine  days  tailing  water  and  repairing 
the  vessels.  Tliey  took  solemn  possession  of  the 
country,  and  had  friendly  communications  with  the 
natives,  who  were  peaceable  and  apparently  indus- 
trious; and  had  small  articles  of  iron  and  copper. 
After  quitting  this  point  they  were  forced  far  out  to 
sea,  and  did  not  sight  land  again  until  in  latitude 
47  degrees,  or  48  degrees.  Here  a  boat  from  the 
schooner  was  sent  ashore,  but  on  landing  the  crew 
were  immediately  attacked  and  murdered  by  the  na- 
tives. This  was  but  a  short  distance  south  of  the 
entrance  to  the  Straits  of  Fuca,  at  what  has  been 
called  Destruction  Island,  from  another  massacre 
near  that  point  some  years  later.  As  the  schooner 
was  considerably  crippled  by  the  loss  of  men  and 
her  only  boat,  and  as  the  scurvy  was  appearing 
among  his  men,  Heceta  thought  best  to  return  to 
Monterey,  but  his  pilot,  Perez,  and  both  Bodega  and 
Maurelle  of  the  schooner,  believed  they  would  be  able 
to  still  carry  out  instructions,  and  the  commander 
therefore  unwillingly  steered  north  on  July  20th. 
But  a  storm  soon  arising  separated  the  vessels,  and 
Heceta  ordered  ship  about  and  stood  southward.  He 
looked  again  between  latitude  48  degrees  and  47  de- 
grees, where  the  Straits  of  Fuca  were  reported,  but 
finding  no  entrance  continued  south,  and  on  the  15th 
of  August  was  in  latitude  46  degrees  10  minutes,  off  a 
great  river.  He  made  two  efforts  to  enter,  but  meet- 
ing a  very  powerful  current,  at  length  gave  up,  and 
sailed  away.    He  gave  the  name  Assumption  Inlet  to 

[Vol.  1] 


210  THE   GROWTH   OF 

the  entrance,  and  called  the  cape  on  the  north  Cabo 
San  Eoqiie,  and  that  on  the  south  Cabo  Frondoso. 
The  entrance  was  afterwards  charted  by  the  Spanish 
as  Heceta's  Inlet,  and  the  river  named  St.  Roc. 

Heceta's  account  is  so  interesting,  as  the  first 
authentic  account  of  a  white  man  at  the  Columbia 
bar,  and  as  giving  an  insight  into  the  style  and 
character  of  the  Spanish  discoverers,  that  it  is  here 
inserted,  as  translated  in  Greenhow's  Oregon  and 
California. 

Heceta  says:—"  On  the  17th  of  August  I  sailed 
along  the  coast  to  the  46th  degree,  and  observed  that 
from  the  latitude  47  degrees  4  minutes  to  that  of  46 
degrees  10  minutes,  it  runs  in  the  angle  of  18  degrees 
of  the  second  quadrant,  and  from  that  latitude  to  46 
degrees  4  minutes,  in  the  angle  of  12  degrees  of 
the  same  quadrant;  the  soundings,  the  shore,  the 
wooded  character  of  the  country,  and  the  little  is- 
lands, being  the  same  as  on  the  preceding  days. 

"  On  the  evening  of  this  day  I  discovered  a  large 
bay,  to  which  I  gave  the  name  Assumtion  Bay,  and 
a  plan  of  which  will  be  found  in  this  journal.  Its 
latitude  and  longitude  are  determined  according  to 
the  most  exact  means  afforded  by  theory  and  prac- 
tice. The  latitudes  of  the  two  most  prominent  capes 
of  this  bay  are  calculated  from  the  observations  of 
this  day. 

*'  Having  arrived  opposite  this  bay  at  six  in  the 
evening,  and  placed  the  ship  nearly  midway  between 
the  two  capes,  I  sounded  and  found  bottom  in  four 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  211 


brazas  (nearly  four  fathoms).  The  currents  and 
eddies  were  so  strong  that,  notwithstanding  a  press 
of  sail,  it  was  difl&cult  to  get  out  clear  of  the  north- 
ern cape,  towards  which  the  current  ran,  though  its 
direction  was  eastward  in  consequence  of  the  tide 
being  at  flood.  These  currents  and  eddies  caused  me 
to  believe  that  the  place  is  the  mouth  of  some  great 
river,  or  of  some  passage  to  another  sea.  Had  I  not 
been  certain  of  the  latitude  of  this  bay,  from  my  ob- 
servations of  the  same  day,  I  might  easily  have  be- 
lieved it  to  be  the  passage  discovered  by  Juan  de 
Fuca,  in  1592,  which  is  placed  on  the  charts  between 
the  47th  and  the  48th  degrees;  where  I  am  certain 
no  such  strait  exists ;  because  I  anchored  on  the  14th 
of  July  midway  between  these  latitudes,  and  care- 
fully examined  everything  around.  Notwithstanding 
the  great  difference  between  this  bay  and  the  passage 
mentioned  by  De  Fuca  I  have  little  difficulty  in  con- 
cei\"ing  they  may  be  the  same,  having  observed  equal 
or  greater  differences  in  the  latitudes  of  other  capes 
and  ports  on  this  coast,  as  I  will  show  at  the  proper 
time;  and  in  all  cases  latitudes  thus  assigned  are 
higher  than  the  real  ones. 

' '  I  did  not  enter  and  anchor  in  this  port,  which  in 
my  plan  I  suppose  to  be  formed  by  an  island,  not- 
withstanding my  strong  desire  to  do  so;  because, 
having  consulted  with  the  second  captain,  Don  Juan 
Perez,  and  the  pilot,  Don  Christoval  Revilla,  they 
insisted  I  ought  not  to  attempt  it,  as,  if  we  let  go 
the  anchor,  we  should  not  have  men  enough  to  get 


212  THE    GROWTH    OF 

it  up,  and  to  attend  to  the  other  operations  which 
would  be  thereby  necessary.    Considering  this,  and 
also,  that,  in  order  to  reach  the  anchorage,  I  should 
be  obliged  to  lower  my  long  boat  (the  only  boat  I 
had)  and  to  man  it  with  at  least  fourteen  of  the  crew, 
as  I  could  not  manage  with  fewer,  and  also  as  it  was 
then  late  in  the  day,  I  resolved  to  put  out;   and  at 
the  distance  of  three  leagues  I  lay  to.    In  the  course 
of  that  night  I  experienced  heavy  currents  to  the 
southwest,  which  made  it  impossible  to  enter  the  bay 
on  the  following  morning,  as  I  was  far  to  leeward. 
These  currents,  however,  convinced  me  that  a  great 
quantity  of  water  rushed  from  this  bay  on  the  ebb 
of  the  tide. 

"  The  two  capes  which  I  name  in  my  plan,  Cape 
San  Koque  and  Cape  Frondoso,  lie  in  the  angle  of 
10  degrees  of  the  third  quadrant.  They  are  both 
faced  with  red  earth  and  are  of  little  elevation. 

''  On  the  18th  I  observed  Cape  Frondoso,  with  an- 
other cape,  to  which  I  gave  the  name  of  Cape  Falcon, 
situated  in  the  latitude  of  45  degrees  43  minutes,  and 
they  lay  at  an  angle  of  22  degrees  of  the  third  quad- 
rant, and  from  the  last  mentioned  cape  I  traced  the 
coast  running  in  the  angle  of  5  degrees  of  the  second 
quadrant.     This  land  is  mountainous,  but  not  very 
high,  nor  so  wejl  wooded  as  that  lying  between  the 
latitudes  of  48  degrees  30  minutes,  and  46  degrees. 
On  sounding  I  found  great  differences :   at  the  dis- 
tance of  seven  leagues  I  got  bottom  at  84  brazas ;  and 
nearer  the  coast  T  sometimes  found  no  bottom ;  from 


VVYTFLIET— PTOLEMY  MAP,  1597.— No.   1 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  213 

wliicli  I  am  inclined  to  believe  there  are  reefs  or 
shoals  on  these  coasts,  which  is  also  shown  by  the 
color  of  the  water.  In  some  x)laces  the  coast  presents 
a  beach,  in  others  it  is  rocky. 

*'  A  flat-topped  mountain,  which  I  named  the 
Table,  will  enable  any  navigator  to  know  the  position 
of  Cape  Falcon  without  observing  it ;  as  it  is  in  the 
latitude  of  45  degrees  28  minutes,  and  may  be  seen 
at  a  great  distance,  being  somewhat  elevated, ' ' 

This  description  of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  by 
the  old  Spanish  navigator  will  be  recognized  by  all 
those  familiar  with  it  as  very  accurate,  as  seen  from 
outside.  Greenhow,  even  from  simple  evidence  of 
correctness,  may  well  remark  that  there  is  no  doubt 
about  the  genuineness  of  Ileceta's  discovery.  The 
red  iron-stained  earth  of  Cape  Disappointment,  and 
of  all  the  clayey  or  rocky  hills  jutting  on  the  coast; 
their  rather  low  elevation,  the  leafy,  or  fronded  ap- 
pearance of  Point  Adams,  the  low  Clatsop  Plains, 
which  he  seems  to  consider  an  island,  as  also  some 
of  the  low  lands  to  the  north,  which  he  mistook  for 
the  same,  with  a  true  Spanish  predilection ;  and  then 
the  jutting  promontory  of  Cape  Falcon,  and  the  table- 
shaped  top  of  the  receding  mountain,  are  all  true  to 
the  life.  The  south  slopes  of  all  these  hills,  including 
Chinook,  the  Astoria  peninsula,  portions  of  Tilla- 
mook Head,  and  Nehahni  Mountain,  are  also  bald,  or 
were  much  more  so  in  those  times  than  now.  Evi- 
dently the  weather  was  all  that  could  be  desired  on 
the  17th  and  18th  of  August,  1775;   as  any  impedi- 


214  THE    GROWTH    OF 

ment  from  storm,  or  fog,  or  smoke,  would  otherwise 
liave  been  included  among  the  reasons  given  for  not 
making  an  entrance.  It  is  probable,  however,  that 
Heceta  acted  wisely  in  not  attempting  an  entrance  at 
evening.  But  he  might  very  easily  have  proved  his 
surmises  by  a  few  days'  delay;  and  the  whole  nar- 
rative, while  showing  a  fairly  well  educated  leader, 
and  a  close  observer,  shows  also  one  of  much  caution, 
and  without  personal  interest  in  his  undertaking. 
He  brings  up  the  long  list  of  Spaniards  who  never 
got  into  Oregon  unless  by  some  accident. 

Much  more  faithful,  though  with  less  important 
results,  were  the  exertions  of  Bodega  and  Maureile, 
in  the  schooner  from  which  Heceta  had  parted.  They 
sailed  on  north  to  latitude  56  degrees,  and  discovered 
the  fine  cone  of  Mount  Edgecomb,  one  of  the  many 
volcanic  peaks  of  the  northern  mountains.  Many 
points  of  interest  were  seen  in  southern  Alaska,  and 
on  the  return  they  attempted  to  find  again  the  river 
discovered  by  Aguilar;  but  returned  after  eight 
months  to  San  Bias,  without  any  great  discoveries; 
the  most  of  their  reports  were  of  a  negative  char- 
acter. Yet  both  Heceta  and  Bodega  were  as  near  as 
men  could  be  to  the  two  greatest  geographical  puz- 
zles of  the  age— the  Straits  of  Fuca  and  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia.  Bodega,  however,  deserves  to  be 
remembered  for  his  fidelity,  and  it  is  proper  that 
while  Heceta 's  name  has  disappeared  from  all  charts 
Bodega's  is  still  commemorated  in  the  harbor  just 
north  of  San  Francisco  Bav,  into  which  he  entered 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  215 

by  mistake,  seeking  the  inlet  later  called  the  Golden 
Gate. 

The  third  expedition  of  the  season  was  under 
Arteaga,  in  1779,  with  Bodega  in  command  of  the 
second  ship ;  the  two  vessels  of  this  equipment  being 
well  provided,  and  fine  crafts.  With  the  coast  of 
Oregon  this  had  nothing  to  do,  but  proceeded  directly 
to  the  north,  and  reached  a  point  where  a  mountain 
"  higher  than  Orizaba  "  was  sighted;  which  was  no 
doubt  St.  Elias.  But  the  results  of  this  voyage  were 
also  negative.  Nevertheless  it  was  claimed  with 
reason  by  Spain,  that  under  her  flag  and  at  her 
charge  the  entire  shore  from  Monterey  to  the  60th 
degree  had  been  viewed. 


As  a  conclusion  to  the  results  of  Spanish  occupa- 
tion of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  nearly  all  its  shores, 
from  1525  for  nearly  three  centuries,  and  yet  gaining 
no  foothold  in  Oregon,  at  least  two  reasons  easily 
appear.  One  relates  to  the  Spanish  character,  the 
other  to  their  form  of  government.  In  character  the 
Spaniards  were  still  in  the  age  of  militarism.  They 
were  like  the  Romans,  a  predaceous  people.  They 
had  not  developed  either  the  taste  or  the  capacity  of 
production  by  industry.  Wealth  did  not  appear  to 
them,  except  as  first  created  or  extracted  by  some 
other  people.  They  therefore  did  not  seek  produc- 
tive soils,  or  rich  mines,  but  great  and  wealthy  na- 
tions, which  they  immediately  proceeded  to  spoil, 


216  THE    GROWTH   OF 

having,  in  the  chances  of  the  world's  condition,  a  re- 
ligious sanction  for  so  doing.  Refusal  of  any  peo- 
ple wealthy  enough  to  be  worth  conquering,  to  accept 
upon  demand  the  religion  of  the  Cross  was  reason 
enough  for  war  and  plunder.  Consequently  they 
could  roam  over  Colorado  seeking  some  old  chief 
wearing  a  copper  ring,  suspended  at  his  neck,  but 
never  learned  of  the  gold  at  Pike's  Peak,  or  Cripple 
Creek;  they  could  also  actually  occupy  California 
from  1769  to  1846,  more  than  two  generations,  and 
yet  not  know  that  California  had  more  gold  than 
Cortes  had  ever  dreamed  of,  simply  because  the  na- 
tives had  never  learned  the  use  of  the  metal,  nor  had 
looked  for  it.  The  Spanish  still  belonged  to  the  mili- 
tary, and  not  the  industrial,  age.  Oregon,  as  well  as 
the  less  difficult  and  remote  California,  was  regarded 
as  a  wilderness  of  no  value.  Their  exploits  in  the 
New  World  rather  accentuated  this  quality,  and  made 
them  retrogressive.  They  reverted  to  an  older  type 
than  that  from  which  they  immediately  came. 

The  form  of  the  Spanish  Government,  which  also 
hindered  and  repressed  discovery  and  settlement, 
was  an  outgrowth  of  the  same  military  spirit.  The 
New  World  was  laid  under  tribute  to  Spain  as  the 
Old  World  had  once  been  to  Rome.  The  accumula- 
tions of  the  subject  peoples  were  absorbed  as  rapidly 
as  possible  by  the  mother  country  and  were  not  al- 
lowed for  use  in  development  of  Mexico,  or  any  part 
of  the  Pacific  regions.  Local  spirit  and  industry 
were  discouraged,  local  enterprise  was  torn  down, 


WYTFLIET— PTOLEMY  MAP,  1597.— No.  2 


AN   AMEEICAN    STATE  217 

and  all  the  incentives  of  trade  were  shut  off.  In- 
dolence and  ignorance  were  encouraged.  The  gov- 
ernors sought  rather  to  repress  than  to  advance  the 
people.  Even  those  directed  to  perform  useful 
things,  as  Heceta,  sought  rather  how  to  make  a  good 
showing  than  to  complete  the  task. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
Romantic  Voyages  and  Pretended  Discoveries 


WE  must  now,  as  briefly  as  may  be,  re- 
trace our  steps  again,  in  order  to 
gather  up  another  thread  of  influ- 
ences and  ideas  which  had  much 
weight  in  urging  forward  the  dis- 
coveries on  the  northwest  coast.  Many  of  these  were 
of  a  more  or  less  fictitious  character,  and  nearly  all 
are  now  regarded  as  colored  above  any  possible  ac- 
tual experience.  But  it  often  happens  that  a  fiction 
has  more  influence  than  a  fact,  and  periods  of  dis- 
covery are  always  surrounded  by  a  mellow  halo  of 
romance.  The  simple  fact  is  that  active  minds  are 
always  more  interested  in  what  is  about  to  be,  or  to 
happen,  than  in  what  has  already  been  done;  and 
our  lives  are  spent  principally  in  anticipation,  or 
calculations,  of  the  future.  It  is  while  things  are 
still  possible  that  we  dwell  upon  them  in  thought. 

It  was  already  the  fact  that  the  desire  on  the  part 
of  the  English  for  a  northwest  passage,  and  the  pos- 
sibility that  it  might  be  found,  led  to  a  belief  that  it 
existed,  and  that  many  of  the  voyages  were  under- 
taken with  the  idea  of  discovering  this  desirable 
water  way.  Many  of  the  early  geographical  myths 
circle  around  this  idea  of  a  mysterious  passage  from 
the  North  Atlantic  to  the  North  Pacific.  Nature,  in- 
deed, was  very  indulgent  to  such  a  supposition,  of- 
fering almost  innumerable  avenues  for  the  conjecture 
of  even  careful  navigators.  The  gulf  of  St.  Law- 
rence, and  even  the  Hudson  River,  opened  with  broad 
expanses  to  the  sea.    Around  the  coasts  of  Labrador, 


222  THE   GROWTH   OF 


and  more  particularly  as  the  broad  waters  of  Davis' 
Straits  and  Baffin's  Bay,  and  the  almost  numberless 
windings  and  sinuosities  of  Hudson's  Bay,  were  ex- 
amined, the  preconception,  naturally  gained  from  the 
insular  character  of  the  West  and  East  Indies,  was 
compelled  to  wait  long  for  disapproval.    Long  after 
the  idea  had  ceased  as  a  probability,  the  possibility 
was  so  agreeable  as  to  still  excite  imagination.    It 
must  be  remembered,  too,  that  as  the  slow  increase 
in  science  swept  away  old  superstitions  and  romances 
in  Europe,  they  were  naturally  chased  to  America. 
The  Spanish  soldier  easily  thought  the  fountain  of 
youth  might  exist  in  Florida.    Marco  Polo  could  de- 
light his  hearers  with  accounts  of  tailed  men  at  the 
antipodes,  and  Jonathan  Swift  could  locate  the  sin- 
gular countries   and  people   of  Brobdignag   some- 
where near  where  Oregon  now  is,  without  offending 
the  sense  of  reality.    The  actual  wonders  in  America, 
as  the  prodigious  quantities  of  gold  found  by  the 
Spaniards,  made  singular  or  unfounded  stories  easily 
credited. 

This  greatly  desired  and  long  undisproved  passage 
was  actually  named,  and  the  eastern  end  was  placed 
on  the  maps.  It  was  long  believed,  says  Greenhow, 
basing  his  statement  upon  old  accounts  and  the 
labors  of  George  Bancroft,  that  a  Portuguese  navi- 
gator, Gaspar  Cortereal,  had  sailed  through  a  nar- 
row channel  westward  from  the  coasts  of  Labrador 
into  another  sea,  communicating  with  the  Indian 
Ocean.    It  was  called  by  him  Anian.    This  was  as 


AN   AMEEICAN   STATE  223 

early  as  1500,  but  shortly  after  Columbus  touched  at 
San  Salvador.  The  name,  and  in  course  of  time,  the 
idea,  gained  standing  from  simple  long  belief.  The 
origin  of  this  name,  like  that  of  Oregon,  has  been  a 
puzzle.  In  the  oldest  maps  the  northwest  part  of 
America  has  been  marked  Ania.  Cortereal  was  said 
to  have  bestowed  the  name  in  honor  of  two  brothers 
who  accompanied  him,  but  of  this  there  is  no  evi- 
dence. 

Sir  Francis  Drake,  as  will  be  seen,  attempted  to 
pass  through  these  straits,  sailing  thus  to  the  coast 
of  California,  hoping  to  find  the  western  end,  and 
thus  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  meeting  the  Spanish 
in  the  Straits  of  Magellan.  Some  five  accounts  that 
attracted  attention  have  been  noticed,  and  these  will 
be  briefly  entered  here.  Fictions  leading  to  useless 
or  foolish  actions  are  usually  regarded  with  con- 
tempt after  the  hopes  they  excited  have  been  ex- 
ploded; but  they  are  entitled  to  the  same  regard  as 
is  accorded  to  the  suppositions  and  guesses  of  the 
inventor,  who  advances  from  supposition  to  supposi- 
tion until  he  has  exhausted  all  the  false  surmises  and 
finally  reaches  the  truth.  So  the  following,  though 
probably  tinged  with  more  or  less  conscious  unre- 
liability, and  a  desire  either  to  attract  attention,  or 
to  obtain  service,  were  important  steps  in  leading 
to  the  truth. 

The  first  was  the  report  in  regard  to  Urdanata,  the 
celebrated  friar  who  discovered  the  correct  mode  of 
navigating  the  Pacific.     Sir  Humphry  Gilbert,  the 


224  THE    GROWTH    OF 

celebrated  English  sailor,  and  Sir  Henry  Sydney, 
were  told  by  one  Salvitierra,  a  gentleman  of  Victoria, 
in  Spain,  who  came  by  chance  into  Ireland  from  the 
West  Indies,  in  1568,  that  Urdanata  had  come  from 
the  South  Sea  into  Germany,  through  the  northern 
passage,  and  showed  him  ''  a  sea  card  made  by  his 
own  experience  and  travel  in  that  voyage,  wherein 
was  plainly  set  down  and  described  the  North  West 
passage."  From  some  of  Urdanata 's  papers  is  the 
statement  that  some  Frenchmen  were  reported  to 
have  sailed  around  North  America,  and  come  into 
the  Pacific  in  latitude  fifty ;  but  no  account  of  his  own 
passage  is  found.  Urdanata  recommended  that  the 
passage  be  looked  for  and  fortified  by  the  Spanish. 

Somewhat  later  an  old  pilot,  Laderillo,  of  Cohma, 
Mexico,  is  mentioned,  who  declared  that  in  his  youth 
he  had  sailed  from  the  Atlantic,  through  a  passage 
near  New  Foundland,  into  the  Pacific.  Other  pilots 
as  they  grew  old  seem  to  have  remembered  the  same, 
or  similar  experiences,  and  we  may  conclude  that  the 
Spanish  sailors  of  a  few  centuries  past  were  of  the 
genuine  race,  and  heard  and  told  so  many  stories 
that  they  at  length  considered  all  the  most  striking 
adventures  as  having  happened  in  their  own  person. 

In  1609  another  and  much  more  ambitious  account 
was  presented  in  writing  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies, 
being  given  as  a  serious  and  accurate  account  of  an 
actual  voyage  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  It 
was  written  by  a  Portuguese,  Maldonado,  who  had 
already  written  on  geography  and  history,  and  was  a 


MALDONADO'S  STRAIT  OF  ANIAN,  1609 


AN   AMEKICAN    STATE  225 

true  exploiter  of  impossible  iuveutions,  suck  as  a 
magnetic  needle  without  variation.  His  object  in  de- 
scribing his  voyage,  and  the  entrance  to  the  Straits  of 
Anian,  was  in  order  to  be  entrusted  with  fortifying 
it  against  enemies  of  Spain.  This  object  was  so  ap- 
parent and  lent  such  a  dubious  character  to  his  ac- 
count that  it  was  at  once  rejected  by  the  council ;  but 
the  story  lived.  It  was  accepted  to  quite  an  extent 
at  the  time,  and  as  late  as  1790  it  was  revived  and  its 
truthfulness  defended  by  a  French  geographer,  Bua- 
che ;  and  again  in  1812,  by  a  Milanese. 

It  is  bombastic  and  clumsy,  being  entitled  ' '  A  Re- 
lation of  the  Discovery  of  the  Straits  of  Anian,  made 
by  me.  Captain  Lorenzo  Ferrer  de  Maldonado,  in  the 
year  1588 ;  in  which  is  described  the  course  of  Navi- 
gation, the  Situation  of  the  Place,  and  the  Manner 
of  Fortifying  it."  The  following  extracts  are  here 
given  as  illustrating  the  style  of  these  old  stories, 
and  giving  a  much  better  idea  of  the  average  public 
intelligence  upon  geographical  science  than  can  be 
obtained  from  more  conscientious  writings.  De- 
scribing the  beginning,  he  says :  ' '  Departing  from 
Spain— suppose  from  Lisbon— the  course  is  north- 
west for  the  distance  of  450  leagues,  when  the  ship 
will  have  reached  the  latitude  of  60  degrees,  where 
the  island  of  Friesland  will  be  seen,  commonly  called 
Fule,  or  File  (Feroe).  Thence  the  course  is  west- 
ward on  the  parallel  of  60  degrees  for  180  leagues, 
which  will  bring  the  navigator  to  the  land  of  Labra- 
dor, where  the  strait  of  that  name,  or  Davis'  Strait, 

[Vol.  1] 


226  THE   GROWTH   OF 


begins,  the  entrance  to  which  is  very  wide,  being 
somewhat  more  than  thirty  leagues ;  the  land  on  the 
coast  of  Labrador,  which  is  to  the  west,  is  very  low ; 
but  the  opposite  side  of  the  straits  consists  of  very 
high  mountains.  Here  two  openings  appear,  which 
are  between  these  high  mountains.  One  of  the  pas- 
sages runs  east-north-east,  and  the  other  northwest. 
The  one  running  east-north-east,  which  is  on  the 
right  hand,  and  looks  toward  the  north,  must  be  left, 
as  it  leads  to  Greenland,  and  thence  to  the  sea  of 
Friesland.  Taking  the  other  passage  and  steering 
northwest  80  leagues,  the  ship  will  arrive  in  the  lati- 
tude of  64  degrees. ' ' 

The  course  of  this  passage  is  described  up  to  lati- 
tude 75,  and  down  again  to  71,  for  many  leagues,  and 
then  440  leagues  from  a  certain  island,  where  the 
Straits  of  Anian  were  found.    He  continues : 

' '  The  strait  which  we  discovered  in  60  degrees,  at 
the  distance  of  1,710  leagues  from  Spain,  appears, 
according  to  ancient  tradition,  to  be  that  named  by 
geographers  in  their  maps,  the  Strait  of  Anian;  and 
if  it  be  so,  it  must  be  a  strait  having  Asia  on  one 
side  and  America  on  the  other,  which  seems  to  be  the 
case  according  to  the  following  narration. ' '  He  then 
describes  sailing  along  the  coast  more  than  one  hun- 
dred leagues,  and  concludes  that  they  were  on  the 
ocean  that  led  to  Cape  Mendocino  and  Quivira.  Then 
they  sailed  west  four  days,  with  a  wind  abeam  so  that 
they  made  thirty  leag-ues  a  day,  and  discovered  very 
high  land,  which  according  to  charts  belonged  to  Tar- 


AN   AMEEICAN    STATE  227 

tary,  or  Cathaia ;  ^ '  and  at  a  distance  of  a  few  leagues 
from  the  coast  must  be  the  famed  city  of  Cambalu, 
the  metropolis  of  Tartary. ' '  But  continuing  without 
stopping  and  following  the  direction  of  the  coast, 
they  circled  back  and  found  themselves  at  the  en- 
trance of  the  Straits  of  Anian— thus  proving  that 
there  was  no  other  entrance,  or  passage.  They  con- 
cluded that  they  had  thus  passed  through  to  the 
South  Sea,  '^  where  are  situated  Japan,  China,  the 
Moluccas,  New  Guinea,  and  the  land  discovered  by 
Captain  Quiros,  with  all  the  coast  of  New  Spain  and 
Peru. ' ' 

Opportunely  the  entrance  to  Anian  was  found  easi- 
ly adapted  to  fortification.  There  were  two  en- 
trances, one  toward  the  north,  the  other  toward  the 
south.  That  on  the  north  was  less  than  a  quarter  of 
a  league  wide,  and  on  the  Asiatic  side  the  mountain 
was  high  and  so  overhanging  that  a  rock  falling  from 
the  top  would  clear  the  base— just  the  spot  from 
which  to  drop  missiles  upon  hostile  vessels.  The 
south  entrance  was  wider,  opening  into  the  South 
Sea,  but  at  the  third  turn  is  a  great  rock,  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  channel,  between  which  and  the  shore  of 
Asia  were  shoals  and  reefs,  so  that  ships  could  not 
pass  if  opposed. 

Quite  remarkably,  too,  but  very  naturally  in  order 
to  prove  the  necessity  of  immediate  fortifications, 
Maldonado  and  his  men  found  a  ship  entering  the 
Straits  of  Anian,  who,  to  add  to  the  danger,  al- 
though they  could  not  talk  Spanish,  and  could  only 


228  THE    GROWTH    OF 

converse  by  their  clerks  in  Latin,  seemed  to  be  Lu- 
therans. The  ship  of  the  strangers  was  loaded  with 
spices  and  silks,  but  both  parties  being  disinclined  to 
have  a  hostile  encounter,  the  Spaniards  compounded 
with  the  Lutherans,  and  the  latter,  being  anxious  to 
get  away,  returned  to  the  South  Sea,  and  the  Portu- 
guese came  back  through  the  passages  to  the  At- 
lantic. 

This  story,  widely  circulated,  led  the  Spanish  to 
look  later  for  any  possible  openings  in  the  North  Pa- 
cific; and  illustrates  the  plasticity  of  geographical 
conceptions  at  the  time.  It  has  been  suggested  that 
some  unlmown  Spanish  expedition  from  the  Pacific 
side,  following  the  inland  passages  of  Alaska,  gave 
a  suggestion  to  Maldonado's  story. 

Another  story  that  attracted  attention  was  of  the 
voyage  of  Fonte  through  a  great  river  called  by  him 
Eio  de  los  Reyes,  which  for  a  time  became  confused 
in  the  public  mind  with  the  river  of  the  West.  This 
was  published  at  London  in  1708,  although  the  ad- 
venture was  of  a  much  earlier  date.  A  French  trans- 
lation was  made  in  1750,  and  the  probable  authentic- 
ity of  the  discovery  was  defended  by  Delisle  and 
Buache,  geographers.  But  it  was  at  length  concluded 
that  the  entire  account  was  a  fabrication  by  one  of 
the  writers  upon  the  magazine  in  which  it  was  first 
published. 

According  to  the  story  Admiral  Pedro  Bartoleme 
de  Fonte  sailed  from  Callao,  the  seaport  of  Lima, 
Peru,  in  April  of  1740,  with  four  vessels,  under  or- 


AN   AMEEICAN   STATE  229 

ders  from  the  viceroy  of  Peru,  for  the  North  Pacific, 
and  for  intercei:)tiiig  vessels  that  were  suspected  of 
visiting  the  South  Sea  from  Boston,  or  of  searching 
for  a  northwest  passage.  After  passing  by  Cape  St. 
Lucas  and  the  Californias  the  admiral  continued 
northward  and  passed  in  crooked  channels  for  two 
hundred  and  sixty  leagues  among  islands,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  the  Archipelago  of  St.  Lazarus. 
One  might  imagine  that  he,  or  some  of  the  Spanish, 
actually  saw  the  Thousand  Islands  of  Southern 
Alaska,  if  it  were  not  that  the  entire  race  of  Span- 
iards from  Sancho  Panza  down  have  ever  had  a  pe- 
culiar belief  in  islands  well  adapted  for  them  to  gov- 
ern. 

Beyond  the  islands  he  found  in  latitude  53°  a  great 
river,  which  he  named  the  River  of  the  Kings,  which, 
however,  no  American  stream  has  accepted  as  its 
name  or  fealty;  Fonte  despatched  his  lieutenant  to 
examine  the  coast  further  north,  and  he  himself  as- 
cended the  river,  coming  at  length  to  a  lake  of  such 
beauty  that  it  was  naturally  called  by  him  Lake  Belle. 
In  the  lake,  as  the  Spanish  fancy  would  have  it,  were 
many  islands,  and  the  inhabitants,  which  were  nu- 
merous, were  kind  and  hospitable.  On  the  south  side 
of  the  lake  was  the  large  town  of  the  natives,  which 
was  called  Conasset,  a  name  having  no  resemblance 
to  those  along  this  coast.  Here  he  left  his  ships,  and 
proceeded  down  a  river  called  Parmentier,  flowing 
from  Lake  Belle  eastward  into  another  lake,  which  he 
honored  with  the  name  of  Fonte,  for  himself;    and 


230  THE    GROWTH   OF 


from  this  second  lake  the  stream  widened  into  a  pas- 
sage named  the  Strait  of  Konquillo,  in  honor  of  one 
of  the  captains,  and  by  this  was  connected  with  a  sea, 
which  would  seem  to  be  an  arm  of  the  Atlantic,  or 
some  gulf  connecting  with  the  Atlantic. 

When  they  entered  this  sea  their  suspicions  were 
verified,  as  in  both  dreams  and  fiction  what  we  begin 
to  think  may  occur  is  always  sure  to  appear.  Fonte 
was  told  by  some  Indians  that  a  great  ship  lay  a  lit- 
tle way  off,  where  there  had  never  come  one  before. 
He  went  to  the  ship,  with  his  men,  and  found  on 
board  only  an  old  man  and  a  youth,  who  told  them,  as 
might  be  expected,  that  they  came  from  Boston,  a 
town  in  New  England.  The  next  day  the  captain,  one 
Nicholas  Shapley,  arrived,  with  the  owner  of  the 
ship,  one  Seymour  Gibbons,  "  a  fine  gentleman,  and 
major-general  of  the  largest  colony  in  New  England, 
called  Maltechusetts. "  Under  strict  instructions, 
Fonte  should  at  once  have  made  a  prize  of  this  cap- 
tain and  ship,  and  major-general,  as  trespassers  upon 
the  territory  of  the  King  of  Spain,  but  both  the 
strangers  and  Fonte  were  so  impressed  with  one  an- 
other's nobility  of  character  that  only  a  struggle  of 
courtesies  was  undertaken  between  them,  and  after 
making  the  colonials  magnificent  presents  the  ad- 
miral returned  to  his  ships  at  the  Lake  Beautiful, 
and  thence  down  the  River  of  the  Kings  to  the  Pa- 
cific. 

His  lieutenant  had  in  the  meantime  ascended  an- 
other stream,  called  by  him  Rio  de  Haro,  into  a  lake 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  231 

named  Velasco,  in  latitude  61  degrees,  from  which 
he  went  in  canoes  as  far  north  as  latitude  79  degrees, 
where  the  coast  was  seen  still  trending  north,  and 
ice  rested  on  the  land.  He  was  also  assured  that 
there  was  no  connection  with  Davis'  Straits,  for  the 
natives  conducted  one  of  the  seamen  to  the  head  of 
these  waters,  ''  which  terminated  in  a  lake  of  fresh 
water  of  about  thirty  miles  circumference,  in  the  80th 
degree,  and  there  were  prodigious  mountains  north 
of  it." 

The  conclusion  of  this  story,  which,  even  if  it  had 
some  core  of  fact  in  traditions  among  Spanish  sail- 
ors, was  palpably  a  mere  recreation  of  fancy,  was  to 
show  that  there  was  no  ship  passage  north  of  Amer- 
ica. 

Still  another  old  account  was  that  to  which  much 
greater  credit  has  been  given,  and  which  has  extreme 
historic  interest  from  the  name  to  which  it  was 
traced,  and  which  was  in  consequence  bestowed  upon 
the  great  straits  connecting  the  Pacific  Ocean  with 
Puget  Sound.  This  was  the  account  of  Juan  de 
Fuca.  It  was  for  a  time  forgotten,  but  after  more 
than  a  century  was  revived,  and  so  far  believed  by 
both  Spaniards  and  English  that  special  expeditions 
—that  of  the  English  being  Cook's— were  sent  to  ex- 
amine the  coast  and  search  for  the  straits  that  were 
reported  to  have  been  found  by  him  in  latitude  47 
degrees  to  48  degrees.  When  at  length  the  great 
channel  was  actually  found  between  48  degrees  and 
49  degrees,  the  original  story  seemed  so  well  con- 


232  THE    GROWTH    OF 

firmed,  and  was  so  well  known,  that  without  hesita- 
tion or  protest  it  was  called  the  Strait  of  Juan  de 
Fuca.  But  notwithstanding  this  general  credence 
and  the  weight  attached  to  it  by  Greenhow,  it  is  very- 
doubtful  whether  the  original  account  was  of  much 
more  accuracy  than  that  of  many  such  in  circulation ; 
but  being  more  fortunate  in  its  descriptions  turned 
out  to  be  the  best  guess.  The  object  of  the  story  was 
to  interest  Queen  Elizabeth  in  an  expedition  to  the 
Pacific  Coast,  which  if  well  carried  out  might  have 
gained  still  greater  claims  for  Great  Britain  on  the 
Pacific. 

The  account  was  given  to  the  world  by  one  Michael 
Lock,  an  English  merchant.  It  is  entitled  ''  A  Note 
made  by  me,  Michael  Lock  the  elder,  touching  the 
Strait  commonly  called  Fretum  Anian,  in  the  South 
Sea,  through  the  Northwest  Passage  of  Meta  Incog- 
nita. ' ' 

It  proceeds:—**  When  I  was  in  Venice,  in  April, 
1596,  haply  there  arrived  there  an  old  man,  about 
sixty  years  of  age,  called  commonly  Juan  de  Fuca, 
but  named  properly  Apostolos  Valerianos,  of  nation 
a  Greek,  born  in  Cephalonia,  of  profession  a  mariner, 
and  ancient  pilot  of  ships.  This  man,  being  come 
recently  out  of  Spain,  arrived  first  at  Leghorn,  and 
went  thence  to  Florence,  where  he  found  one  John 
Douglas,  an  Englishman,  a  famous  mariner,  ready 
coming  for  Venice,  to  be  a  pilot  for  a  Venetian  ship 
for  England,  in  whose  company  they  both  came  to- 
gether to  Venice.    And  John  Douglas  being  acquaint- 


js^       290^ 


I.OK'S    MAP,    1582 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  233 

ed  witli  me  before,  lie  gave  me  knowledge  of  tliis 
Greek  pilot,  and  brought  liim  to  my  speech;  and  in 
long  talks  and  conferences  with  us,  in  presence  of 
John  Douglas,  this  Greek  pilot  declared,  in  the  Ital- 
ian and  Spanish  languages,  thus  much  in  effect  as 
f  olloweth : 

'^  First,  he  said  that  he  had  been  in  the  West 
Indies  of  Spain  forty  years,  and  had  sailed  to  and 
from  many  places  thereof,  in  the  service  of  the  Span- 
iards. 

**  Also,  he  said  that  he  was  in  the  Spanish  ship 
which,  in  returning  from  the  islands  Philippines  to- 
wards Nova  Spania,  was  robbed  at  the  Cape  of  Cali- 
fornia by  Captain  Candish,  Englishman,  whereby  he 
lost  sixty  thousand  ducats  of  his  own  goods. 

'*  Also,  he  said  that  he  was  pilot  of  three  small 
ships  which  the  viceroy  sent  from  Mexico,  armed 
with  one  hundred  men,  under  a  captain,  Spaniards, 
to  discover  the  Straits  of  Anian,  along  the  coast  of 
the  South  Sea,  and  to  fortify  in  that  strait,  to  resist 
the  passage  and  the  proceeding  of  the  English  na- 
tion, which  were  feared  to  pass  through  those  straits 
into  the  South  Sea;  and  that  by  reason  of  mutiny 
among  the  soldiers  for  the  misconduct  of  their  cap- 
tain, that  voyage  was  overthrown,  and  the  ship  re- 
turned from  California  to  Nova  Spania,  without  any- 
thing done  in  that  voyage,  and  that  after  their  return 
the  caj)tain  was  punished  by  justice  in  Mexico. 

**  Also,  he  said  that  after  said  voyage  was  so  ill- 
ended,  the  viceroy  sent  him  out  again  in  1592,  with 


234  THE   GROWTH   OF 

a  small  caravel  and  a  pinnace,  armed  with  mariners 
only,  to  follow  the  said  voyage  of  the  discovery  of 
the  Straits  of  Anian,  and  the  passage  thereof  into 
the  sea  which  they  call  The  North  Sea,  all  along  the 
coast  of  Nova  Spania,  and  California,  and  the  Indies, 
now  called  North  America  (all  of  which  voyage  he 
signified  to  me  in  a  great  map,  and  a  sea  card  of  mine 
own,  which  I  laid  before  him),  until  he  came  to  the 
latitude  of  47  degrees ;  and  that  there  finding  that  the 
land  trended  north  and  northeast,  with  a  broad  inlet 
of  sea  between  47  and  48  degrees  of  latitude,  he  en- 
tered thereinto,  sailing  therein  more  than  twenty 
days,  and  found  that  land  trending  still  sometime 
northwest,  and  northeast,  and  north,  and  also  east- 
ward and  southeastward,  and  very  much  broader  sea 
than  was  at  said  entrance,  and  that  he  passed  by  di- 
vers Islands  in  that  sailing ;  and  that  at  the  entrance 
of  this  said  strait,  there  is,  on  the  northwest  coast 
thereof,  a  great  headland  or  island,  with  an  exceeding 
high  pinnacle,  or  spired  rock,  like  a  pillar,  thereupon. 

'*  Also,  he  said  that  he  went  on  land  in  divers 
places,  and  that  he  saw  some  people  on  land  in  beasts' 
skins ;  and  that  the  land  is  very  fruitful  and  rich  of 
gold,  silver,  pearls,  and  other  things  like  Nova 
Spania. 

*  *  And,  also,  he  said  that  ha\"ing  entered  into  that 
strait  and  being  come  into  the  North  Sea  already,  and 
finding  the  sea  wide  enough  everywhere,  and  to  be 
about  thirty  or  forty  leagues  wide  at  the  mouth  of 
the  straits  where  he  entered,  he  thought  he  had  now 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  235 

well  discharged  liis  office  j  and,  not  being  armed  to 
resist  the  force  of  the  savage  people  that  might  hap- 
pen, he  therefore  set  sail  and  returned  homeward 
again  to  Nova  Spania,  where  he  arrived  at  Acapulco, 
anno  1592,  hoping  to  be  rewarded  by  the  viceroy  for 
this  service  done  in  the  said  voyage. 

"  Also,  he  said  that  after  coming  to  Mexico  he 
was  greatly  welcomed  by  the  viceroy,  and  had  prom- 
ises of  great  reward ;  but  that  having  sued  there  two 
years,  and  obtained  nothing  to  his  content,  the  vice- 
roy told  him  that  he  should  be  rewarded  in  Spain,  of 
the  king  himself,  very  greatly,  and  willed  him  there- 
fore to  go  into  Spain,  which  voyage  he  did  perform.  ■' ' 

Following  up  his  acquaintance  after  the  ancient 
pilot  of  ships  had  returned  home.  Lock  addressed 
a  letter  to  him,  inscribed  ''  To  the  Magnificent  Cap- 
tain Juan  de  I^uca,  Pilot  of  the  Indies,  my  most  dear 
friend  in  Cephalonia,"  inquiring  whether  he  would 
still  prosecute  his  proposed  venture.  This  was  writ- 
ten from  Venice,  in  July,  1596.  A  reply  dated  at 
Cephalonia,  September  24,  of  the  same  year  was  re- 
ceived, and  addressed  in  equally  fine  style,  being  ^ '  To 
the  Illustrious  Michael  Lock,  Englishman,  at  the 
House  of  Mr.  Lazaro,  English  Merchant,  in  St. 
Thomas  St.,  Venice." 

It  stated,  '*  I  have  a  mind  to  comply  with  my 
promise  to  you,  and  have  not  only  myself,  but  twenty 
men,  brave  men,  too,  whom  I  can  carry  with  me ;  so 
I  am  waiting  for  an  answer  to  another  letter  I  wrote 
you,  about  the  money  which  I  asked  you  to  send  me. 


236  THE    GROWTH    OF 

For  you  know  well,  Sir,  how  I  became  poor  in  con- 
sequence of  Captain  Candish's  having  taken  from 
me  more  than  sixty  thousand  ducats,  as  you  well 
know.  If  you  will  send  me  what  I  asked  I  will  go 
with  you,  as  well  as  all  my  companions.  I  ask  no 
more  from  your  kindness,  as  shown  by  your  letter. 
God  preserve  you,  most  illustrious  Sir,  for  many 
years. ' ' 

The  above  narration  and  the  letter  bear  unmis- 
takable evidence  of  a  mercenary  scheme,  which  casts 
great  doubt  upon  any  reliable  information  that  the 
supposed  discoverer  of  the  straits  might  have  had. 
Michael  Lock  himself,  the  English  merchant  who 
seemed  to  believe  that  the  British  Government  might 
profit  by  the  information  that  he  had  gathered,  was 
evidently  hoping  to  receive  some  reward;  as  he 
closes,  after  stating  that  upon  a  third  attempt  to 
reach  Juan  de  Fuca,  he  learned  that  he  was  dead,  or 
about  to  die  of  a  great  sickness,  with  this  personal 
reference:  '^  Whereupon  I  returned  myself,  by  sea, 
from  Zante  to  Venice,  and  from  thence  I  went  by  land 
through  France,  into  England,  where  I  arrived  at 
Christmas,  anno  1602,  safely,  I  thank  God,  after  my 
absence  from  thence  ten  years'  time,  with  great 
troubles  had  of  the  company  of  Turkey's  business, 
which  hath  cost  me  a  great  sum  of  money,  for  the 
which  I  am  not  yet  satisfied  of  them. ' ' 

The  story  of  Juan  de  Fuca  was  forgotten  and  no 
great  confidence  seems  to  have  been  felt  in  it,  until 
Berkeley  sailed  into  the  straits  but  a  degree  from 


THOMAS   CAVENDISH 

|{('I)roi3iicoil  from  Winsor's  "  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  Auierii-a, 
Houghton.   Mifflin  &   Co.,   Pnbllsliers. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  237 


tliat  described  by  the  Greek  pilot.    Tkis  coincidence 
revived  the  story  and  made  it  seem  credible,  and 
hence  it  happens  that  the  greatest  inlet  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean,   and  without   a   rival,   being   of   a   breadth 
and   depth,   and   situation   to   command   any   com- 
merce of  the  world,  now  bears  the  name   of  the 
Cephalonian,  adopted  by  him  in  the  Spanish  service. 
It  is  with  some  amusement  that  we  find  the  first  navi- 
gators of  the  straits  looking  for  ' '  the  exceeding  high 
pinnacle,  or  spired  rock,  like  a  pillar."    However, 
although  this  was  probably  a  fabrication,  it  shows 
that  there  were  among  the  pilots  of  the  Pacific  Ocean 
certain  ideas  of  the  northwest  coast,  especially  as 
possessing  islands  and  harbors,  quite  as  accurate  as 
any  published  by  the  leaders  of  expeditions.     The 
story  is  also  of  great  interest  as  showing  the  state  of 
the  public  mind  in  Europe,  and  that  no  doubt  almost 
every  important  court  was  besieged  with  applica- 
tions from  seafarers,  or  pilots,  asking  commissions 
or  letters  of  piracy,  proposing  discoveries,  or  rav- 
ages of  an  enemy's  commerce  or  her  coasts.    Out  of 
such  accounts  as  the  above,  and  those  of  Maldonado 
and  Fonte,  cited  before  that  of  Juan  de  Fuca,  grew 
a  very  entertaining  literature.    Shakespeare  was  af- 
fected by  it,  as  is  shown  in  many  of  his  references, 
and  the  last  and  greatest  play,  '*  The  Tempest,"  had 
its  scene  laid  in  one  of  the  western  islands.     The 
sailors'  lingo,  and  odd  terms,  as  they  have  in  all 
times,  greatly  struck  the  fancy  of  popular  writers, 
and  the  unknown  coasts  of  America  thus  came  in 


238  THE   GROWTH   OF 


for  their  share  of  references  and  were  kept  before 
the  popular  interest. 

The  account  of  the  voyage  of  Juan  de  Fuca  was 
made  public  about  1602 ;  that  of  Maldonado  in  1608, 
and  that  of  Fonte  not  until  the  eighteenth  century. 
These,  and  many  others  of  the  same  character,  fur- 
nished a  setting  for  many  romances,  and  made  pos- 
sible one  of  the  greatest  satires  of  its  own,  or  that 
of  any  age—''  Gulliver's  Travels."  No  doubt  the 
author,  the  learned  but  misanthropical  Dean  Swift, 
was. immensely  amused  by  the  style  of  such  narra- 
tives, which  descended  into  minute  particulars,  and 
at  the  same  time  gravely  asserted  such  improbabili- 
ties. Here  was  suggested  to  him  the  character  of  Dr. 
Gulliver,  one  of  the  world's  literary  creations,  and 
a  scene  fitting  for  that  fine  assemblage  of  new  lands 
and  islands,  where  Lilliputians,  and  Brobdignags, 
and  other  singular  beings  might  exist,  and  shame  the 
ways  of  mankind  as  practiced  in  Europe  in  the  first 
part  of  the  eighteenth  century.  This  is  a  fine  illus- 
tration how  the  course  of  literature  corresponds  to 
the  state  of  general  knowledge  in  the  world,  since  the 
writer  must  aim  to  meet  popular  information;  and 
how  certain  sorts  of  literature  could  not  exist  except 
at  times  allowing  a  fitting  scene. 

The  object  of  the  several  books  of  Gulliver's  trav- 
els was  not  at  all  geographical ;  the  visit  to  Lilliput 
being  but  a  humorous  and,  on  the  whole,  good-natured 
description  of  how  a  man  intellectually  great,  as  Swift 
knew  himself  to  be.  felt  in  a  society  whose  members 


AN   AMEEICAN    STATE  239 

were  so  diininutive  as  those  with  whom  he  was  obliged 
to  have  intercourse.  The  story  of  the  Brobdignags 
was  suggested  by  the  first,  and  showed  how  small  a 
man  of  refined  and  lofty  ideas  felt  when  among,  or 
rather  when  thinking  about  beings  as  men  ought  to 
be.  The  later  development,  especially  the  closing 
scenes,  among  the  Yahoos  and  Houyhnhnms,  exceeds 
the  bounds  of  humor,  and  becomes  misanthropic, 
reaching  the  conclusion  that  the  horse  is,  on  the 
whole,  a  finer  animal  than  man.  But  these  humorous 
papers  illustrate  what  was  the  common  impression 
about  America  and  the  Pacific  in  1728.  Lilliput  was 
located  in  the  Southern  Hemisphere,  not  far  from 
New  Guinea;  but  there  was  no  unexplored  place 
large  enough  there  for  the  land  of  the  Giants,  so 
Brobdignag  was  located  precisely  in  the  latitude  of 
Oregon,  and  about  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia— well 
illustrating  that  this  was  then  the  great  unknown. 
The  countries  ujjon  which  he  was  thrown  later,  and 
whose  latitude  and  longitude  are  given  with  minute 
accuracy,  as  well  as  his  manner  of  reaching  them, 
were  in  the  northern  Pacific,  Luggnagg  and  Blubdub- 
drib  being  southeast  from  Japan.  Indeed,  the  uni- 
versal idea  then  was  that  the  coast  of  North  America 
turned  west  about  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  or 
a  little  north,  and  made  another  continent,  or  ex- 
tended the  continent  out  westward  of  California,  and 
so  Gulliver  speaks  of  these  localities  or  some  of 
them,  as  on  the  continent  west  of  California.  The 
ocean  along  the  Pacific  Coast  of  North  America  was 


240      GROWTH    OF  AN   AMERICAN    (STATE 

considered,  so  far  as  known,  but  a  narrow  arm,  with 
the  continent  doubling  back  again.  This  idea  was 
perpetuated  from  the  early  name  given  to  the  Pacific. 
This  was  the  Mar  del  Sur,  or  South  Sea,  as  distin- 
guished from  the  Atlantic,  or  North  Ocean.  Amer- 
ica was  figured  as  running  east  and  west  rather  than 
north  and  south.  In  course  of  time  the  Pacific  was 
regarded  as  mainly  a  southern  sea,  and  to  preserve 
the  idea  North  America  had  to  trend  west  a  little 
above  the  latitude  of  California.  Swift  simply  re- 
flected the  idea  of  the  learned  world  at  his  time. 

It  is  quite  certain  that  he  was  well  acquainted  with 
at  least  one,  and  probably  many  of  the  floating  ac- 
counts cited  above  of  voyages  on  the  Pacific  Coast, 
as  he  gives  the  name  Maldonada  as  one  of  his  ports— 
evidently  from  Maldonado. 


CHAPTER  IX 
The  English  in  the  Pacific 


[Vol.  1] 


THE  supremacy  of  the  Spanish  in  the 
South  Sea  was  not  uncontested.  The 
first  and  the  most  resolute  rivals  were 
the  English.  For  more  than  a  century- 
it  seemed  that  the  inhabitants  of  the 
British  Isles  were  to  be  crowded  into  what  were  re- 
garded as  the  essentially  worthless  portions  of  the 
New  World,  and  to  play  only  a  very  small  part  in  its 
development.  While  Columbus  was  discovering  the 
West  Indies  and  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  Cabot  was 
discovering  Labrador;  while  the  Spanish  followers 
of  the  former  Italian  were  overrunning  Mexico  and 
Peru,  and  reaching  across  the  Pacific  and  around 
Cape  Horn  to  the  real  Indies,  the  English  followers 
of  the  later  Italian  were  wasting  their  time  and  re- 
sources in  unprofitable  attempts  to  find  northwest 
passages  or  planting  colonies  that  speedily  failed. 
No  rich  or  powerful  nations  were  found  in  that  part 
of  the  New  World  which  fell  to  their  lot,  and  both 
nature  and  the  tribes  occupying  their  acquisitions 
were  rough  and  inhospitable. 

Nevertheless  the  Anglo-Saxons  of  even  that  day, 
though  few  and  poor,  were  a  doughty  people,  and 
under  such  stirring  rulers  as  Henry  the  Seventh, 
Henry  the  Eighth,  and  Queen  Elizabeth,  were  not 
willing  to  yield  all  the  world  to  Spain  and  Portugal, 
even  though  it  were  thus  disposed  of  by  the  Pope. 
From  the  days  of  Elizabeth,  or  perhaps  earlier,  the 
English  protested  against  the  restrictions  of  Spain 
upon  commerce,  and  demanded  that  the  seas  be  for 


244  THE    GROWTH    OF 

common  traffic,  and  that  the  ports  of  countries  not 
at  war  be  open  to  all  nations.  This  liberal  doctrine, 
giving  origin  to  the  term  "  high  seas,"  has  been 
supported  by  England  with  varying  degrees  of  con- 
sistency, but  always  strenuously  when  it  has  been  to 
her  advantage,  and  it  must  be  allowed  that  this  free- 
dom of  traffic  on  the  ocean  has  been  mainly  due  both 
to  the  energy  and  the  justice  of  the  British.  How- 
ever, this  was  an  intolerable  doctrine  to  Spain,  and 
both  in  peace  and  war  she  resented  the  efforts  of 
the  English  to  trade  in  the  West  Indies,  or  in  Span- 
ish America. 

This  in  turn  drew  down  the  wrath  of  the  British 
and  being  denied  what  they  considered  justice,  they 
determined  to  carry  on  traffic  without  the  consent  of 
the  Spanish  authorities.  It  was  deemed  no  piracy 
to  thus  force  passages,  and  if  necessary  to  increase 
profits  by  capture  of  prizes  to  do  so.  The  bravest 
and  most  honorable  of  the  English  seamen  encour- 
aged, or  took  part,  in  such  enterprises.  Sir  John 
Hawkins,  for  a  time  the  leading  captain  of  the  king- 
dom, 7iiade  a  number  of  incursions  into  the  West 
Indies,  and  sailed  as  far  as  the  Isthmus,  both  to  take 
prizes  and  to  avenge  the  death  of  a  son  who  had  been 
killed  by  the  Spanish  on  a  former  cruise.  Indeed, 
free  traders,  or  buccaneers,  hung  constantly  upon 
the  commerce  of  Spain  across  the  Atlantic,  and  the 
condition  of  trade  was  of  almost  perpetual  war. 
From  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  secretly,  or  even  openly, 
encouraged   her   subjects   in   such   adventures,   the 


SIR  JOHN  HAWivINS 

ReproUuocd  from  Wlnsor's  "  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America," 
Housbton,   MitHin  &   Co.,   Publishers.  • 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  245 


Spanish  obtained  no  comfort.  To  a  Spanisli  ambas- 
sador, who  complained  to  her  of  the  plunder  of  one 
of  his  sovereign's  vessels,  she  is  reported  as  replying 
that ' '  the  Spaniards  had  drawn  these  inconveniences 
upon  themselves  by  their  severe  and  unjust  dealings 
in  American  commerce;  for  she  did  not  under- 
stand why  either  her  subjects,  or  those  of  any  other 
European  prince,  should  be  debarred  from  traffic  in 
the  Indies;  that,  as  she  did  not  acknowledge  the 
Spaniards  to  have  any  title  by  donation  of  the 
bishop  of  Rome,  so  she  knew  no  right  they  had  to 
any  other  places  than  those  they  were  in  actual 
possession  of;  for  that  their  having  touched  only 
here  and  there  upon  a  coast,  and  given  names  to  a 
few  rivers  and  capes,  were  such  insignificant  things 
as  could  in  no  way  entitle  them  to  a  propriety  (owner- 
ship) further  than  in  the  parts  where  they  actually 
settled,  and  continued  to  inhabit."  This  was  ex- 
tremely strong  doctrine,  and  the  tone  of  defiance,  or 
hauteur,  which  pervades  every  word,  comes  directly 
from  the  English  spirit  of  the  times.  We  should 
expect  something  to  come  from  such  words  of  the 
sovereign;  though  it  is  well  to  notice  this  declara- 
tion as  afterwards  very  greatly  embarrassing  Eng- 
land herself  when  it  came  to  a  final  settlement  as  to 
the  true  ownership  of  Oregon. 

The  Spanish  trade  across  the  Pacific  was  well  de- 
fended by  the  natural  obstacles  to  ingress.  For  a 
long  time  the  English  and  the  Dutch  attempted  to 
find  a  practicable  passage   on   the  north.     Baffin, 


246  THE    GROWTH    OF 

Davis,  and  Hudson  left  their  names  in  the  icy  seas, 
and  Hudson  even  his  body,  but  no  opening  was 
found.  But  the  desire  of  the  English  to  prey  upon 
the  commerce  of  which  they  could  form  a  conception 
by  what  came  across  the  Atlantic,  increased  until  it 
culminated  in  the  determination  of  the  celebrated  Sir 
Francis  Drake,  as,  upon  one  of  his  incursions  to 
Darien  he  ascended  to  the  top  of  the  ridge  and  look- 
ing from  a  tree  upon  the  Pacific  determined  to  sail 
an  English  ship  upon  its  waters.  Drake  had  been 
educated  in  seafaring  by  Hawkins,  and  was  one  of 
the  most  impetuous  of  the  famous  knights  of  the 
Virgin  Queen.  He  began  his  career  as  an  im- 
pecunious youth,  having,  it  is  said,  at  one  time  held 
a  living  in  the  English  church ;  but  if  that  were  so, 
he  soon  changed  his  calling,  and  took  service  as 
purser  on  a  ship  sailing  to  the  Bay  of  Biscay. 

The  first  Englishman,  however,  to  break  into  the 
Pacific  was  a  buccaneer  named  Oxenham,  who 
crossed  the  Isthmus  and  built  a  vessel  and  began 
capturing  prizes  before  the  tardy  Spanish  authori- 
ties could  capture  him ;  which,  however,  they  did  at 
length  and  executed  him  and  his  followers  at  Panama. 

Drake,  however,  decided  upon  a  much  safer  course, 
as  the  Isthmus  was  carefully  guarded  now,  which 
was  no  less  than  to  equip  a  squadron  and  sail  through 
the  Straits  of  Magellan,  and  thus  attack  the  Spanish 
cities  of  America  from  an  unexpected  quarter.  Eng- 
land and  Spain  were  then  at  peace,  and  Drake  was 
therefore  obliged  to  give  it  out  that  his  expedition 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  247 

was  for  Egypt.  It  is  stated,  however,  that  Elizabeth 
understood  perfectly  the  object  of  his  undertaking, 
and  lent  him  encouragement.  Five  small  vessels 
were  built  and  armed  and  equipped  at  the  expense  of 
Drake  and  his  friends,  and  sailed  from  Plymouth 
December  13,  1577.  After  cruising  some  time  in  the 
Atlantic,  but  taking  no  prizes,  he  stopped  to  refit  his 
squadron  on  the  coast  of  Patagonia,  finding  it  nec- 
essary to  abandon  two  of  the  vessels,  but  safely  pass- 
ing through  the  Straits  of  Magellan  with  the  other 
three.  But  not  long  afterwards  these  were  separated 
in  a  storm,  and  Drake  was  left  alone  with  his  vessel 
of  only  an  hundred  tons  burden  and  sixty  men.  This 
was  the  ' '  Golden  Hind, ' '  a  craft  that  afterwards  be- 
came so  famous  in  England  that  it  was  ordered  to  be 
preserved  for  all  the  future,  as  the  first  vessel  to 
encompass  the  world  in  a  single  voyage. 

But  although  thus  reduced  and  having  no  recourse 
whatever  if  any  mishap  happened  to  his  schooner, 
Drake  decided  to  carry  out  his  purpose,  and  accord- 
ingly swept  up  the  South  American  coast  and  easily 
took  so  much  booty  that  his  vessel  could  scarcely 
carry  the  spoil.  He  found  the  ports  wholly  unpre- 
pared for  an  attack,  and  no  suspicion  of  his  coming 
was  felt  until  he  struck  and  passed  on.  Having  ad- 
vanced as  far  north  as  Mexico,  and  plundered  the 
town  of  Guatulco,  and  taken  all  the  booty  that  it  was 
safe  to  carry,  it  now  became  necessary  to  think  of  re- 
turning home.  But  how  to  get  back  safely  was  a 
problem.    Success  hitherto  had  been  in  simply  rapid 


248  THE    GROWTH   OF 

movement  and  no  delay  after  delivering  a  blow.  To 
return  as  he  came  would  doubtless  be  to  fall  in  with 
Spaniards  looking  for  him,  and  perhaps  fortified  at 
the  Straits  of  Magellan.  The  idea  now  occurred  to 
the  navigator  to  return  by  the  northwest  passage, 
whose  existence  was  generally  conceded,  provided 
one  could  find  it.  This  would  not  only  afford  a  safe 
and  expeditious  route,  but  also  solve  the  great  geo- 
graphical problem,  and  if  the  passage  was  discovered 
and  held  by  England,  to  his  sovereign  would  fall  the 
control  of  the  South  Sea. 

Drake  accordingly  let  loose  from  Mexico,  the  time 
being  in  the  spring  of  1579,  and  steered  out  into  the 
Pacific,  sailing  west  and  northwest  for  1,400  leagues ; 
reaching  on  the  first  part  of  June  a  latitude  of  43  de- 
grees, where  the  keen  breezes  of  the  north  Pacific 
made  his  men  uncomfortable;  as  one  of  the  narra- 
tors of  the  voyage  says :  * '  Being  thus  speedily  come 
out  of  the  extreme  heat  they  found  the  air  so  cold, 
that,  being  pinched  with  the  same,  they  complained 
of  the  extremity  thereof."  The  weather  was  foggy, 
and  with  the  thick  weather  his  men's  complaints  in- 
creased, and  after  consideration  ' '  He  thought  it  best 
for  that  time,  to  seek  the  land."  Steering  toward 
which  he  at  length  observed  the  American  coast,  but 
finding  "  a  bad  "  harbor  continued  southward  until 
on  the  17th  of  June  ' '  It  pleased  God  to  send  him  into 
a  fair  and  good  bay,  within  38  degrees  toward  the 
line." 

This  bay  has  been  almost  universally  considered 


SIR    FRANCIS   DRAItE 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  249 

that  of  San  Francisco ;  later  writers,  however,  main- 
tain that  it  was  that  of  Bodega.  A  rest  of  five  weeks 
was  taken,  the  vessel  was  graved  and  repaired,  and 
an  excursion  through  the  country  made.  The  native 
inhabitants,  who  built  their  houses  near  the  water's 
edge,  were  at  first  disposed  to  be  suspicious,  but  the 
kindness  of  Drake  soon  won  their  hearts :  so,  at  least, 
it  is  reported.  While  the  bay  mentioned  does  not 
seem  so  large  or  impressive  as  one  would  naturally 
think,  if  it  were  indeed  San  Francisco  Bay;  and 
while  still  further,  a  navigator  on  the  search  for  the 
Northwest  Passage  could  hardly  have  been  struck  at 
first  with  any  thought  but  that  he  had  found  the  ob- 
ject of  his  desire,  and  would  not  have  given  it  up 
without  exploring  the  Straits  of  Carquinez,  and 
probably  as  far  as  Suisun,  it  still  seems  remarkable 
that  Drake  should  have  remained  so  long,  and  in 
friendly  contact  with  the  people,  so  near  San  Fran- 
cisco Bay  without  learning  of  its  existence.  The 
weight  of  historical  probability  seems  to  be  that  it 
was  the  Bay  of  Bodega,  rather  than  San  Francisco, 
and  that  oversight  of  the  Golden  Gate  was  the  ex- 
planation. 

By  the  time  that  he  was  ready  to  leave  Drake  had 
by  his  kind  and  forbearing  conduct  so  won  the  af- 
fections of  the  natives  that  they  wished  him  to  re- 
main and  be  their  king.  Wliile  he  could  not  remain, 
still  he  "  Thought  not  meet  to  reject  the  crown,  be- 
cause he  knew  not  what  honor  or  profit  it  might  bring 
his  own  country;  whereupon  in  the  name  and  to  the 


250  THE    GROWTH    OF 

use  of  her  majesty,  Queen  Elizabeth,  he  took  the  crown, 
sceptre,  and  dignity  of  the  country  in  his  own  hands, 
wishing  that  the  riches  and  treasure  thereof  might 
be  so  conveniently  transported,  for  the  enriching  of 
her  kingdom. ' '  That  such  an  assignment  of  author- 
ity actually  took  place,  and  is  not  a  mere  embellish- 
ment, is  not  improbable,  as  the  natives  would  nat- 
urally have  been  greatly  impressed  with  such  a  ship 
as  that  of  Drake's,  and  if  they  found  him  moderate 
and  peaceable,  as  there  is  every  reason  for  suppos- 
ing he  would  be,  they  might  easily  have  asked  to 
have  him  for  chief.  Their  kindness  to  him  and  his 
men  is,  however,  a  much  more  important  matter.  It 
is  one  of  the  almost  universal  illustrations  of  a  dis- 
position of  our  own  natives,  as  of  all  peoples  every- 
where, whether  primitive  or  otherwise,  to  respond 
quickly  and  fairly  to  justice  and  kindness.  The 
country  was  called  New  Albion  by  Drake,  and  now 
giving  up  the  practicality  of  finding  a  passage  north 
of  America,  he  set  out  across  the  Pacific,  to  return 
by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

Discussions  now  unimportant  as  to  the  exact  lati- 
tude reached  by  Drake,  have  not  been  settled.  Brit- 
ish writers  in  general  state  that  this  was  to  the  48tli 
degree ;  where  he  made  the  mainland  and  anchored  in 
a  bad  bay.  If  so,  he  was  at  the  very  entrance  of  the 
Straits  of  Fuca,  where  he  might  have  spent  a  year 
sailing  without  being  sure  that  he  was  not  in  the 
Northwest  Passage.  Greenhow  contends,  and  with 
much  apparent  justice,  that  he  could  not  have  gone 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  251 

further  than  latitude  43  degrees,  and  finds  a  tolerably 
well  defined  tendency  on  the  part  of  those  who  named 
a  higher  latitude  to  shade  off  into  myth,  much  after 
the  Spanish  style;  exaggerating  the  simple  state- 
ment, for  instance,  of  Francis  Pretty,  who  wrote  the 
account  of  Drake's  voyage  from  his  own  experience, 
that  the  men  were  pinched  with  the  cold,  to  the  dec- 
laration that  the  cold  was  so  intense  that  ropes  and 
sails  were  stiffened  with  ice,  and  meat  was  frozen  as 
soon  as  taken  from  the  spit. 

We  should  not  expect  Drake  to  make  a  much  more 
careful  effort  than  he  did,  being  but  a  privateer  and 
having  at  that  time  little  interest  except  getting  him- 
self and  crew  and  a  valuable  cargo  home  the  safest 
way  possible.  We  should  not  expect  him  to  find  even 
San  Francisco  Bay,  nor  be  at  all  surprised  that  al- 
though he  probably  looked  upon  the  Siskiyou  Moun- 
tains, and  possibly  the  Olympics,  that  he  saw  neither 
the  Columbia  nor  the  Straits  of  Fuca.  He  therefore 
continued  his  adventurous  voyage  across  the  ocean 
grounding  on  a  reef  in  the  East  Indies,  but  getting 
off  safely,  and  doubling  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  with 
but  three  barrels  of  water,  but  not  stopping  until  on 
the  coast  of  Guinea,  and  from  there  proceeding  to 
England,  where  he  arrived  in  September,  1580.  He 
was  received  with  great  honor ;  the  Queen,  however, 
hesitated  for  a  time,  out  of  policy,  to  acknowledge  his 
services,  fearing  complications  with  Spain,  but  soon 
went  to  his  ship,  and  made  him  a  knight,  and  ap- 
proved his  course  in  all  particulars. 


252  THE    GROWTH    OF 

By  his  success  other  English  freebooters  were  in- 
duced to  make  the  same  venture,  but  the  most  were 
interrupted  in  their  career  by  the  Spanish  authori- 
ties. One  Thomas  Cavendish  made  himself  nearly 
as  terrible  as  Drake,  and  among  others  destroyed  at 
Cape  St.  Lucas  the  ship  of  Juan  de  Fuca,  who  was 
said  to  have  first  sailed  through  the  straits  bearing 
his  name. 

Aside  from  the  boldness  of  these  incursions,  and 
their  demonstration  of  the  weakness  of  Spain  in  the 
Pacific,  no  particular  advantage  was  derived  by  Eng- 
land. Not  the  English  but  the  Dutch  discovered  the 
open  waters  to  the  south  of  Tierra  del  Fuego,  Le- 
maire  and  Vanschouten  sailing  around  Cape  Horn, 
or  Hoorn,  as  named  from  their  native  town,  in  1616. 
The  Dutch  also  had  the  honor  of  exploring  Hud- 
son's Bay,  in  1608.  William  Baffin,  however,  went 
through  Baffin's  Bay  in  1616,  and  attention  was  di- 
rected on  the  part  of  the  English  to  perfect  if  possi- 
ble their  discoveries  on  the  north.  It  is  to  be  noticed 
that  from  these  efforts  dated  the  great  British  Com- 
pany, which  had  so  large  a  share  in  the  history  of 
Oregon.  This  was  chartered  in  1669,  by  Charles  II, 
of  England,  who  offered  as  the  justification  of  such 
a  company  that  it  would  carry  on  the  exploration  of 
the  bays  and  inlets  of  the  great  bay,  or  gulf —a  sup- 
position not  very  speedily  consummated.  This  was 
first  styled  The  Company  of  Adventurers  of  England 
trading  into  Hudson's  Bay.  For  many  years  its 
operations  were  confined  to  the  very  narrowest  limits 


KING    CHARLES    II 


AN    AMEKICAN    ^TATE  253 

along  the  shore,  yet  it  became  afterwards  an  immense 
factor  in  carrying  the  British  commerce  to  the  Pa- 
cihc,  and  even  extending  it  as  far  north  as  Sitka,  and 
as  far  west  as  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

However,  with  the  single  etfort  of  Charles  II,  the 
British  were  quiet  in  the  Pacific  for  almost  two  hun- 
dred years  after  the  irruptions  of  Drake  and  Caven- 
dish. This  is  explained  when  we  remember  that  after 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth  came  on  the  reactionary  period 
of  the  Stuarts,  causing  first  the  long  struggle  between 
the  King  and  Parliament,  with  Cromwell's  final  tri- 
umph, and  again  after  the  weak  and  dissolute  reign 
of  Charles  II,  and  the  less  sagacious  one  of  his  broth- 
er, James  II,  the  second  revolution.  After  the  reign 
of  William  and  Mary  came  on  the  long  struggles 
over  the  Spanish  succession,  in  which  all  Europe  was 
embroiled  in  wars  that  never  seemed  able  to  come  to 
a  lasting  conclusion,  but  finally  reached  a  basis  of 
political  equilibrium  as  the  Seven  Years'  War 
closed,  and  Frederick  the  Great  on  the  continent,  and 
England  on  the  ocean  and  in  America  came  out  with 
a  strength  that  made  useless  all  the  combinations  of 
France,  Austria  and  Russia. 

As  the  result  of  the  policy  of  William  Pitt  Eng- 
land became  master  of  North  America.  Louisburg 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  Montcalm  was  de- 
feated at  Quebec,  and  the  barrier  that  the  French 
had  erected  at  the  Alleghany  Mountains  was  broken. 
Both  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Mississippi  were 
thrown  open  to  the  energy  of  the  English  and  their 


254  THE    GROWTH    OF 

three  million  North  American  colonists.  As  the 
English  historian  Green  well  remarks,  the  English 
now  felt  for  the  first  time  that  the  Atlantic  was  but 
a  comparatively  narrow  strait,  with  Englishmen  on 
both  sides,  and  that  with  control  of  both  sides  of  the 
ocean,  they  might  then  easily  reach  across  the  much 
wider  Pacific,  and  from  that  quarter  control  the  East. 
The  sense  of  power  and  exultation  pervading  the 
English  in  their  triumph  over  France,  is  thus  de- 
scribed by  this  well-known  author.  He  says :  '  *  Not 
only  had  Pitt  cut  France  off  from  the  chance  of  ris- 
ing into  a  world  power,  and  prisoned  her  again  within 
the  limits  of  a  single  continent,  but  had  won  for  Eng- 
land the  place  France  had  lost.  From  the  close  of 
the  Seven  Years'  War  it  mattered  little  whether 
Englaud  counted  for  less  or  more  with  the  nations 
around  her.  She  was  no  longer  a  mere  European 
power;  she  was  no  longer  a  rival  of  Germany  or 
France.  Her  future  action  lay  in  a  sphere  wider 
than  Europe.  Mistress  of  Northern  America,  future 
mistress  of  India,  claiming  as  her  own  the  empire  of 
the  seas,  Britain  suddenly  towered  high  above  na- 
tions whose  jjosition  in  a  single  continent  doomed 
them  to  comparative  insignificance  in  the  after  his- 
tory of  the  world. ' ' 

After  North  America  became  securely  the  posses- 
sion of  England,  in  1764,  plans  for  the  further  dis- 
covery of  the  Pacific  and  its  islands  were  energet- 
ically undertaken  in  England.  The  last  important 
discoveries  hitherto  in  the  south  seas  were  those  of 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  255 

the  Dutch  under  Tasman,  whose  name,  with  that  of 
Van  Dieman,  was  connected  with  Australia,  and 
gave  rise  to  the  old  name  New  Holland  for  the  great 
southern  island  or  oceanic  continent.  But  no  set- 
tlements had  followed  these  discoveries.  The  first 
effort  of  the  English  was  an  expedition  to  the  Straits 
of  Magellan,  under  Commodore  Byron,  who,  how- 
ever, scarcely  more  than  doubled  the  cape.  As  show- 
ing the  spirit  of  England,  the  following  is  cited  from 
his  instructions:  "  Nothing  can  redound  more  to 
the  honor  of  this  nation  as  a  maritime  power,  to  the 
dignity  of  the  cause  of  Great  Britain,  and  to  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  trade  and  navigation  thereof,  than 
to  make  the  discovery  of  countries  hitherto  un- 
known." While  this  is  a  little  bombastic,  and  very 
much  of  a  truism,  it  still  shows  how  the  English  were 
beginning  to  appreciate  the  value  of  the  Pacific. 
AVhoever  controlled  the  Pacific  would  be  the  world 
power.  After  Byron's  voyage  Captain  Wallis  was 
sent  into  the  South  Sea,  and  visited  Tahiti.  But 
the  great  voyager  of  the  time  was  James  Cook,  to 
whom  Green,  in  common  with  other  English  his- 
torians, attributes  the  honor  of  creating  among  the 
English  the  desire  to  possess  the  regions  he  ex- 
plored. 

The  following  is  a  fitting  tribute,  and  is  a  good 
introduction  to  a  more  particular  description  of 
Cook's  voyage  in  the  northern  Pacific.  The  historian 
says:  "  Wherever  he  touched,  in  New  Zealand  or 
Australia,  he  claimed  the  soil  for  the  English  crown. 


256  THE    GROWTH    OF 

The  records  which  he  published  not  only  woke  the 
interest  of  Englishmen  in  these  far  off  islands,  in 
their  mighty  reaches  of  deep  blue  waters,  where  is- 
lands as  big  as  England  die  into  mere  specks  on  the 
huge  expanse ;  in  the  coral  reefs,  the  palms,  the  bread 
fruit  of  Tahiti,  the  tatooed  natives  of  New  Zealand, 
the  gum  trees  and  the  kangaroos  of  the  southern 
continent ;  but  they  familiarized  them  more  and  more 
with  the  sense  of  possession,  with  the  notion  that 
this  strange  world  of  wonders  was  their  own,  and 
that  a  new  earth  was  open  in  the  Pacific  for  the  ex- 
pansion of  the  English  race. ' ' 

Cook  was  a  poor  boy,  raised  on  a  farm  in  Eng- 
land, but  while  still  very  young  entered  service  on 
an  East  Indiaman,  and  rising  in  favor,  being  a  man 
of  magnificent  physical  development,  and  of  a  very 
considerate  disposition,  was  employed  in  positions 
of  responsibility,  and  was  sent  at  length  to  the  St. 
Lawrence  for  making  surveys  at  Quebec.  In  con- 
nection with  the  expedition  of  Wallis,  interesting, 
but  unscientific,  observations  of  an  eclipse  were 
taken.  The  desirability  of  having  exact  data  from 
the  transit  of  Venus,  to  occur  in  the  not  distant  fu- 
ture, gave  rise  to  a  proposition  to  send  an  expedition 
for  the  purpose  to  the  same  island  of  the  tropics, 
pretty  nearly  England's  antipodes.  Cook  volun- 
teered to  lead  this,  and  his  services  were  gladly  ac- 
cepted, as  he  was  not  only  an  able  and  careful  navi- 
gator but  an  exact  scientific  observer  and  clear  writer. 

Once  in  the  south  seas,  and  having  accomplished 


-mrii  II  I  i,TLL>LLajimujB3ap 


CAPTAIN  JAMES   COOK 

Reproduced  from  Winsor'B  "  Narratire  bud  Critical  History  of  America," 
Houghtou,   Mifflin  &   Co.,  Fabllsbers. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  257 

his  scientific  mission,  he  undertook  in  this  and  a  sub- 
sequent voyage  further  explorations  of  the  seas  and 
islands.    He  discovered  New  Zealand,  and  completed 
the  discoveries  of  Tasman  in  Australia,  naming  a 
portion,  at  least.  New  South  Wales.    He  discovered 
many  hitherto  unknown  islands,  the  most  important 
being  the  Hawaiian  group,  which  he  named  for  Lord 
Sandwich,   who   was   a   patron   of   the   expedition. 
Greenhow,  however,  surmises,  and  perhaps  correct- 
ly, that  the  Spanish  already  knew  of  this  group,  but 
had  not  published  the  discovery.    These  voyages  and 
the  narratives  he  published  of  them  are  of  extreme 
interest,  as  being  the  first,  perhaps,  of  that  long 
series  of  exploring  expeditions  undertaken  to  every 
part  of  the  world,  both  by  Englishmen  and  Ameri- 
cans, and  later  by  foreign  governments;    such  as 
those    of   Livingstone,    Grant,    Speke,    Baker,    and 
Stanley,  in  Africa ;   Franklin,  Kane,  Hall  and  many 
others   in  the   arctic  regions;    and  the  travels   of 
Bayard  Taylor  in  Sweden  and  Russia,  Greece,  and 
on  the  Nile ;  with  lesser  travels  of  an  indefinite  num- 
ber, which  engrossed  the  interest  of  statesmen  and 
people  alike,  and  set  fire  to  the  imagination  of  thou- 
sands of  boys  to  go  forth  and  occupy  the  world  in 
wild  lands,  and  which  formed  a  new  and  great  litera- 
ture of  their  own.    In  no  field  has  the  pen  showed  its 
might  over  the  sword  more  than  in  these  semi-scien- 
tific, semi-story,  books  of  travels,  and  to  no  one  fac- 
tor has  Oregon  owed  more.    It  was  to  an  expedition- 
loving  people  that  Jefferson  directed  the  movements 

[Vol.  1] 


258  THE    GROWTH    OF 

that  he  believed  would  extend  civilization  to  the  Pa- 
cific. 

Cook  having  risen  to  the  very  first  ranks  of  fame, 
was  ready  to  be  entrusted  with  any  further  commis- 
sion. The  object  of  his  second  expedition  was  to  de- 
termine the  limits  of  the  Antarctic  Ocean,  south  of 
Van  Dieman's  land,  and  to  find  whether  the  popular 
impression  that  there  was  a  habitable  southern  con- 
tinent, were  correct.  Having  shown  conclusively  that 
there  was  none,  he  now  found  popular  interest  keen 
to  set  at  final  rest  the  question  of  the  Northwest 
Passage  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  Explora- 
tions had  been  made  in  the  meantime  by  Hearne,  as 
we  shall  see  later,  in  northwestern  Canada,  which 
showed  that  there  was  no  such  passage  under  the 
65th  degree.  But  the  old  belief  was  still  persistent 
that  the  coast  rounded  off  soon  after  that  point  was 
touched,  and  led  the  way  for  Englishmen  through 
some  passage  near  Mt.  St.  Elias.  A  reward  of 
twenty  thousand  pounds  was  offered  for  the  discov- 
ery of  this  passage,  first  from  Hudson's  Bay,  and 
then  from  any  point. 

Cook  offered  to  undertake  this  exploration,  and 
with  his  old  ship,  the  ''  Resolution,"  and  another, 
the  *'  Discovery,"  under  Charles  Clerke— the  same 
name  originally,  no  doubt,  as  Clarke— set  out  on 
July  12th,  on  his  third  and  last  voyage.  He  was  in- 
structed to  proceed  by  the  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  and  by  Tahiti  and  New  Zealand,  steer  for  the 
coast  of  New  Albion— the  term  for  the  western  coast 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  259 

of  North  America  iudicatiug  that  Great  Britain  still 
retained  all  claims  arising  from  Drake's  discovery. 
He  was  not  to  touch  at  any  South  American  port,  or 
any  part  of  the  Spanish  dominions,  unless  in  case 
of  necessity;  and  if  compelled  to  do  so,  to  give  no 
cause  for  olfense;  also  in  his  jpossible  intercourse 
with  settlements  of  any  other  nation— meaning  the 
Russians— he  was  to  maintain  the  strictest  peace. 
He  was  directed  to  take  possession  of  countries  not 
claimed  by  any  civilized  nation  for  Great  Britain, 
and  to  distribute  among  the  natives  evidences  of 
such  occupation ;  but  if  there  were  no  native  inhab- 
itants to  erect  monuments.  Possession,  however, 
where  natives  existed,  was  to  be  only  by  their  con- 
sent. 

Among  those  shipping  with  Cook  were  two  Ameri- 
cans, Gore,  a  native  of  Virginia,  who  on  account  of 
the  murder  of  Cook,  and  the  death  later  of  Gierke, 
became  commander  on  the  return;  and  the  other 
John  Ledyard,  of  Connecticut,  a  most  adventurous 
character,  who  had  been  sent  as  a  youth  to  Dart- 
mouth College,  with  the  intention  of  becoming  a  mis- 
sionary to  the  Indians.  He  had  later  left  college, 
and  floated  down  the  Connecticut  in  a  small  boat,  and 
had  finally  gone  to  England,  where  he  arrived  just 
in  time  to  ship  with  Cook,  and  was  made  corporal 
of  marines.    We  shall  learn  more  of  him  later. 

After  passing  the  cape,  and  making  further  dis- 
coveries in  the  south  seas.  Cook  steered  for  the 
American   coast,   and   made   the   discovery   of   the 


260  THE    GROWTH    OF 

Hawaiian  Islands.  After  leaving  here,  which  as  the 
cross  roads  of  the  Pacific  have  since  his  discovery 
been  the  haven  of  mariners,  Cook  steered  directly 
for  the  American  coast,  and  at  length,  on  the  7th  of 
March,  sighted  land.  This  was  the  coast  of  Oregon, 
and  in  latitude  44  degrees.  Thus  the  great  navigator 
rested  his  eyes  upon  the  undulations  of  the  forest- 
clad  coast  mountains  of  our  State,  and  Oregon  may 
claim  both  Cook  and  Drake  as  among  her  discover- 
ers. England  gave  Oregon  her  best.  Nevertheless 
the  weather  was  tempestuous,  and  violent  northerly, 
or  northwest  winds,  such  as  sweep  down  the  coast 
when  the  winds  begin  to  change  their  course  as 
spring  approaches,  forced  the  Englishmen  nearly 
a  hundred  miles  south,  giving  them  the  opportunity 
to  see  the  Siskiyous,  and  possibly  Shasta,  if  the  sky 
were  clear.  Names  were  given  to  the  headlands  of 
Capes  Perpetua  and  Foulweather.  But  the  storm 
wore  out  at  length,  and  squaring  away  to  the  north 
the  latitude  47  degrees  was  gained,  where  Cook  stood 
in  shore  to  examine  the  old  entrance  reported  of 
Juan  de  Fuca;  but  found  the  coast  unbroken.  Sat- 
isfied that  the  Spanish  accounts  were  wrong,  he 
sailed  north,  directly  past  the  straits,  without  ob- 
serving them,  yet  noticing  Cape  Flattery,  to  which 
he  gave  this  name,  as  the  weather  had  improved,  and 
his  prospects  were  more  pleasing. 

As  it  was  the  Northwest  Passage  that  Cook  was 
after,  and  as,  if  he  had  noticed  the  entrance  to  the 
straits,  and  had  entered,  he  might  have  sailed  many 


AN    AMERICAN    STxVTE  'Zm 

days  without  learning  tliat  this  was  not  Anian,  and  in 
any  case  would  have  made  a  discovery  of  the  very 
first  importance,  we  can  almost  imagine  this  shore 
to  have  been  tricking  the  Europeans.  Certainly  the 
account  of  Fuca's  discovery,  current  in  England 
since  the  days  of  Elizabeth,  erred  just  enough  to 
throw  Cook  off  of  the  track,  and  to  allow  him  to  sail 
contentedly  northward  to  Vancouver's  Island,  where 
he  discovered  a  commodious  harbor,  named  by  him 
Friendly  Cove.  Here  he  put  in,  and  spent  nearly  all 
the  month  of  April.  It  seems  very  remarkable  again 
that  such  a  keen  observer,  in  daily  and  friendly  inter- 
course with  the  natives,  could  spend  so  long  a  time 
almost  within  sight  of  the  straits,  and  yet  not  learn 
of  them.  It  gives  probability  to  the  parallel  of 
Drake,  that  he  spent  his  stay  in  New  Albion  at  Bo- 
dega Bay,  and  learned  nothing  of  the  much  greater 
harbor  of  San  Francisco. 

Cook  gives  interesting  accounts  of  the  natives, 
who  came  daily  to  trade.  They  brought  skins  of 
wolves,  foxes,  bears,  deer,  raccoons,  polecats, martens, 
and  ' '  in  particular,  of  the  sea  otters,  which  are  found 
on  the  islands  east  of  Kamschatka."  He  also  adds, 
in  his  account,  that  besides  the  skins  in  their  native 
state  they  brought  garments  made  of  fibers  of  bark, 
or  some  plant  like  hemp;  that  they  had  bows  and 
arrows  and  spears;  fishhooks  and  implements  of 
various  kinds;  pieces  of  carved  work,  beads  and 
thin  strips  of  brass  and  iron,  which  they  wore  as 
ornaments ;   and  also  native  chisels  fashioned  out  of 


262  THE    GROWTH    OF 

iron.  They  were  eager  to  get  pieces  of  this  metal,  and 
sometimes  took  it  without  asking,  but  to  them  this 
was  not  stealing;  as  Cook's  men  went  ashore  and 
took  wood  and  water  without  leave  or  payment.  Cook 
notices  this  understanding  of  native  property  with 
some  amusement,  but  also  with  great  good  sense,  re- 
marking that  if  he  had  known  personally  their  de- 
mand of  pay  for  wood  and  water,  he  should  certainly 
have  given  it,  and  remarks  that  as  it  was  they  con- 
stantly reminded  him  of  their  generosity  in  giving 
him  these  necessaries,  and  in  consequence  asked  fa- 
vors ad  lib.  He  was  much  impressed  with  their 
possession  of  brass  and  iron,  and  beads.  One  chief 
also  had  two  silver  spoons;  they  also  showed  no 
curiosity  or  fear  of  the  ships,  or  the  cannon,  or 
muskets,  and  were  very  expert  in  the  use  and  manu- 
facture of  iron.  As  in  the  case  of  Bodega,  to  Cook 
the  possession  of  these  things  seemed  to  have  dated 
from  a  considerable  time.  Possibly  some  of  Kona- 
pee's  iron,  or  money,  had  gone  north,  or  other  ves- 
sels had  stranded  in  like  manner  on  the  coast  of  Van- 
couver's  Island.  Cook  was  rather  pleased  with  the 
disposition  of  these  people,  and  his  list  of  the  arti- 
cles they  had  for  trade  shows  that  they  were  indus- 
trious and  peaceable.  He  says  that  they  were  courte- 
ous, docile,  and  good-natured;  quick  to  resent  an 
injury,  but  quick  to  forget  it.  In  this  last  particular 
Ledyard  differs  from  Cook,  estimating  them  as  bold, 
sly,  ferocious  and  reserved;  not  easily  moved  to 
anger,  but  revengeful  in  the  extreme— which  was 


«w 


|C, Gregory  <3 


238  - 


COOK'S  MAP,   1778 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  263 

much  nearer  their  true  character.  None  of  the 
North  American  Indians  are  of  a  light  or  easy  tem- 
per. Apparent  neglect  of  an  injury  is  but  for  the 
purpose  of  seeking  opportunity  later. 

Following  his  instructions,  which  were  to  proceed 
north  above  the  65th  degree,  he  sailed  from  Nootka, 
and  pursued  his  discoveries  with  great  skill  and  care, 
sighting  Mt.  Edgecomb,  Mt.  Fairweather,  and  Mt.  St. 
Elias,  discovering  Cook's  inlet,  Dutch  Harbor,  and 
passing  through  Bering's  Straits,  and  exploring  the 
Arctic  Ocean  until  stopped  by  ice,  both  on  the  Ameri- 
can and  Asiatic  coast.  He  thus  discredited  at  last 
the  myth  of  the  Northwest  Passage,  although  if  the 
openings  in  the  coast  at  the  Straits  of  Fuca  had 
been  known  the  demonstration  would  not  have  been 
complete  until  these  were  explored  to  their  termina- 
tion. He  also  found  some  Russians— or  rather  Led- 
yard  found  them  —who  were  able,  though  not  under- 
standing English,  to  give  him  such  information  as 
they  possessed  of  the  coasts  and  islands— which  was 
small  and  inaccurate.  Returning  to  the  Sandwich 
Islands  Cook  was  there  killed  in  a  broil  raised  with 
the  natives.  Clerke  pursued  the  explorations  the  next 
season,  but  found  the  ice  worse  in  the  Arctic,  and 
himself  being  ill,  sailed  south,  touching  at  Kam- 
chatka, dying  at  Petropulaski,  and  the  office  of  com- 
mander devolved  on  Gore. 

Proceeding  to  Canton,  Cook's  men  soon  found 
that  the  furs  that  they  had  traded  for  scraps  of  iron, 
and  old  knives,  or  buttons,  although  in  no  good  con- 


264  THE    GROWTH   OF 

dition,  brought  fabulous  prices,  and  only  by  much, 
persuasion  were  they  restrained  by  their  ofl&cers  from 
returning  and  taking  a  full  cargo.  But  the  voyage 
to  England  was  ordered,  and  the  expedition  arrived 
here  in  October,  1780. 

So  far  as  the  geographical  discoveries  were  con- 
cerned, the  results  of  Cook's  third  voyage  were  nega- 
tive and  disappointing.  He  found  that  North  xVmer- 
ica  so  far  from  favoring  the  English  idea  of  a  North- 
west Passage,  or  breaking  down  above  the  65th 
parallel,  rose  in  range  after  range,  and  at  about  that 
degree  bent  westward.  The  whole  coast,  of  which 
Oregon  was  the  central  part,  turned  its  back  on  Eu- 
rope, and  where  the  land  ended  the  ice  began.  More- 
over, upon  the  return  of  the  '*  Resolution  "  and 
''  Discovery  "  it  was  found  that  the  high  hopes  of 
the  British  in  North  America  had  been  meeting  with 
great  reverses.  Precisely  contrary  to  the  advice  and 
entreaties  of  Pitt,  the  English  Government  had  be- 
gun a  system  of  repression  in  America  very  much 
resembling  that  of  Spain,  against  which  Elizabeth 
had  protested,  and  the  American  Colonists  who  but 
ten  years  before  had  served  with  Braddock  and 
Wolfe,  and  had  stormed  Louisburg,  were  now  allied 
with  the  very  nation  they  had  helped  oust  from 
America,  and  France  and  Spain  were  also  limiting 
England  in  the  New  World,  as  France  had  been 
limited  at  the  end  of  the  Seven  Years'  War.  The 
records  of  the  voyage  were  appropriated  by  the  Brit- 
ish Government,  even  that  of  Ledyard  being  included 


AN    AMERICAN    STATE  265 

in  the  reports  of  the  commanding  officers,  and  not 
allowed  to  see  the  light,  and  not  until  1784-5  were 
they  given  to  the  public. 

Nevertheless  the  essential  facts  were  given  out  by 
the  sailors,  especially  the  great  profits  to  be  made 
in  trade  of  furs  direct  to  China.  Of  this  more  will 
come  in  place  later.  So  far  as  it  affected  the  British 
directly  in  the  Pacific,  it  was  by  the  way  of  India. 
Ever  since  the  days  of  Elizabeth  the  English  had 
engaged  in  trade  around  the  Cape  to  Hindostan. 
The  East  India  Company  was  chartered  by  that  en- 
ergetic sovereign  in  1600.  By  Charles  II  its  charter 
was  greatly  extended,  and  it  was  given  the  exclusive 
right  to  trade  in  India,  to  execute  laws,  to  put  out 
of  the  country  any  Englishmen  trading  on  their  own 
account,  and  to  make  war  or  peace  with  any  sover- 
eign not  Christian.  The  result  in  the  course  of  time 
was  Clive,  Lord  of  Plassey,  the  overthrow  of  French 
aspirations  in  the  East  even  more  completely  than 
in  America,  and  the  beginning  of  the  Indian  Empire 
under  the  British  crown.  The  South  Sea  Company 
had  also  been  chartered,  being  like  the  East  India 
Company  a  strict  monopoly.  Both  together  they  had 
a  complete  control  of  the  trade  in  the  Pacific  around 
both  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  through  the  Straits  of 
Magellan.  But,  in  the  interest  of  the  other  rising 
monopoly,  the  South  Sea  Company  was  not  allowed 
to  trade  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America.  Neither 
was  the  East  India  Company  allowed  to  send  ships 
around  the  Cape  for  the  purpose  of  trade  east  of  the 


266  THE    GROWTH    OF 

longitude  of  Magellan's  Straits.  Besides,  the  ves- 
sels of  the  South  Sea  Company  could  not  trade  in 
China,  the  principal  fur  market. 

These  privileges  and  restrictions  were  based  part- 
ly upon  the  bargaining  of  the  English  sovereigns, 
who  were  debtors  to  the  monopolies,  and  partly 
upon  the  old  idea  that  there  was  or  might  be  a 
Northwest  Passage,  and  if  so,  the  English  wished  to 
control  any  trade  of  the  northern  Pacific  direct.  But 
as  a  result  of  these  arbitrary  restrictions,  as  soon 
as  the  value  of  the  trade  on  the  American  coast  be- 
gan to  appear,  the  English  were  at  a  great  disad- 
vantage. Practically  no  one  except  under  the  East 
India  Company  dared  undertake  it.  But  this  com- 
pany, already  in  possession  of  an  empire,  and  in 
control  of  wealth  so  great  that  Clive  being  called 
upon  to  explain  before  Parliament  his  exactions,  de- 
scribed the  vast  sums  that  lay  at  his  disposal,  and 

then  exclaimed,  "  By ,  my  Lords,  I  am  surprised 

at  my  own  moderation  "—cared  little  for  a  new 
trade  in  America,  neither  did  they  care  to  risk  a 
quarrel  with  the  other  company.  The  English  that 
did  desire  to  enter  in  the  fur  trade  to  the  northwest, 
however,  soon  found  a  way  around  the  difficulty,  and 
began  carrying  on  the  trade  under  the  Portuguese 
flag.  A  further  advantage  of  this  was  that  the  Portu- 
guese had  special  privileges  among  the  Chinese. 

The  first  mentioned  is  James  Hanna,  sailing  from 
Macao  in  April  and  arriving  at  Nootka  in  August. 
He  brought  back  furs  worth  more  than  twenty  thou- 


'y:i'>^j^ua/jf^<. 


CAPTAIN    NATHANIEL    PORTLOCK 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  267 

sand  dollars.  An  attempt  was  made  to  start  a  reg- 
ular line  of  packets  to  Kamchatka  tke  next  year. 
About  the  same  time  small  ships  from  Calcutta  and 
Bombay,  under  the  flag  of  the  East  India  Company, 
as  mentioned  by  Greenhow,  were  sent  to  the  north- 
west coast,  Lowrie  and  Guise  coming  to  Nootka, 
while  two  others,  Meares  and  Tipping,  went  thence 
northward  to  Prince  William's  Sound.  Meares  re- 
mained over  winter,  but  his  crew  suffered  greatly 
from  scurvy,  and  many  died.  A  company  in  London, 
however,  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  charter,  and  de- 
spatched an  expedition  around  Cape  Horn,  to  the 
northwest  coast  in  1785,  with  the  intention  of  trading 
direct  from  this  coast  to  Canton.  These  were  under 
Captains  Portlock  and  Dixon,  the  latter  of  whom 
has  become  remembered  in  connection  with  Dixon's 
entrance  to  Queen  Charlotte's  Sound.  We  find  men- 
tioned also  Captains  Duncan  and  Colnett  on  the  coast 
in  1787,  under  the  same  company,  that  is  King 
George's  Sound  Company.  The  insular  character 
of  the  Alaska  coast  began  now  to  be  known,  and  for 
a  time  the  stories  of  passages  through  to  the  Atlan- 
tic began  to  be  credited  again.  By  Captain  Barclay, 
an  Englishman,  but  sailing  under  the  flag  of  the 
Austrian  East  India  Company,  for  the  purpose  prob- 
ably of  avoiding  the  interferences  of  the  British 
companies,  the  most  important  of  all  these  discov- 
eries was  made— that  of  the  entrance  to  the  Straits 
of  Fuca.  This  was  in  1787;  but  Barclay  did  not 
attempt  to  follow  up  his  discovery,  and  met  with  a 


268  THE   GROWTH   OF 

loss  that  made  this  out  of  question;  this  was  the 
massacre  of  a  boatload  of  men  sent  ashore  at  the  same 
spot  where  Bodega's  men  had  been  killed  in  1775; 
hence  the  name  still  found  here— Destruction  Island. 

It  will  thus  be  noticed  that  within  a  comparatively 
short  time  after  Cook's  voyage  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  British  vessels  were  trading  on  the  north  Pa- 
cific Coast.  Nootka,  or  King  George 's  Sound,  at  the 
southern  point  of  Vancouver  Island,  became  the  lead- 
ing port  of  these  expeditions.  Notwithstanding  some 
inconveniences,  yet  it  seemed  morally  certain  that 
the  whole  empire  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  would  fall  to 
Great  Britain,  if  it  had  not  already  done  so.  A 
title  good  enough  to  make  good  the  claim  to  the  many 
islands,  or  continental  lands,  by  Cook;  the  success 
of  the  East  India  Company,  and  a  rapidly  growing 
trade  at  Nootka,  and  along  the  entire  northwest 
coast,  with  no  elfective  enemy  in  sight— Spain  hard- 
ly counting  as  a  power— lay  the  way  open  to  a  reali- 
zation once  more  of  the  hopes  that  had  been  dashed 
by  the  successful  revolt  of  the  American  colonies. 

One  long  stretch  of  country,  however,  breasting 
the  Pacific,  was  little  known.  It  had  proved  of  no 
interest  to  the  Spanish,  who  sought  only  wealthy  na- 
tions to  bring  under  tribute;  nor  had  it  proved  of 
much  interest  as  yet  to  the  British,  who  now  were 
aroused  only  to  gather  furs.  This  country  lay  be- 
tween Cape  Flattery  on  the  north,  and  a  point  a 
short  distance  above  Cape  Mendocino  on  the  south. 
It  was  still  the  unknown  land,  Aguilar  and  Heceta 


AN    AMEKICAN    STATE  269 


alone  having  looked  closely  upon  its  shores  at  any 
point.  This  chapter  may  well  be  closed  with  an  ac- 
count, as  nearly  as  possible  in  his  own  words,  of  an 
Englishman  who  attempted  to  solve  the  problem  of 
the  mythical  river.  This  was  John  Meares,  who  had 
sailed  to  Prince  William's  Sound,  in  Alaska,  from 
Calcutta,  and  spent  the  winter  on  the  coast.  He  had 
returned,  and  finding  it  less  expensive  made  another 
venture  under  the  Portuguese  flag,  with  one  Juan 
Cavallo  as  the  ostensible  proprietor.  He  sailed,  with 
William  Douglas,  from  Macao,  China,  in  1788,  and 
arriving  at  Nootka  was  there  allowed  by  Maquinna, 
the  chief,  to  erect  a  house  and  leave  a  small  garrison, 
while  he  himself  sailed  southward  with  the  intention 
of  learning  more  of  the  coast,  and  of  determining  the 
truth  of  the  old  Spanish  accounts. 

Near  the  end  of  June  he  sighted  the  entrance  to 
the  straits,  and  thus  interestingly  describes  them: 
*'  At  noon  the  latitude  was  48  degrees  39  minutes 
north,  at  which  time  we  had  a  complete  view  of  an 
inlet,  whose  entrance  appeared  very  extensive,  bear- 
ing east-south-east,  distant  about  six  leagues.  We 
endeavoured  to  keep  up  with  the  shore  as  much  as 
possible,  in  order  to  have  a  perfect  view  of  the  land. 
This  was  an  object  of  particular  anxiety,  as  the  part 
of  the  coast  along  which  we  were  now  sailing  had  not 
been  seen  by  Captain  Cook,  and  we  knew  no  other 
navigator,  said  to  have  been  this  way,  except  Mau- 
relle;  and  his  chart,  which  we  now  had  on  board, 
convinced  us  that  he  either  had  never  seen  this  part 


270  THE    GROWTH    OF 

of  the  coast,  or  that  he  had  purposely  misrepresented 
it.  By  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  we  arrived  at 
the  entrance  of  the  great  inlet,  which  appeared  to  be 
twelve  or  fourteen  leagues  broad.  From  the  mast- 
head it  was  observed  to  stretch  to  the  east  by  norths 
and  a  clear  and  unbounded  horizon  was  seen,  in  this 
direction,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  The  strong- 
est curiosity  impelled  us  to  enter  this  strait,  which 
we  shall  call  by  the  name  of  its  original  discoverer, 
John  de  Fuca. ' ' 

Great  as  undoubtedly  may  have  been  the  curiosity 
of  Meares  to  enter  the  straits,  it  was  not  quite  suf- 
ficient to  make  him  do  so.  He  sent,  however,  his 
mate,  Mr.  Duffin,  in  a  boat,  for  some  distance,  and 
then  after  the  latter 's  return,  set  off  for  the  river 
St.  Roc,  in  latitude  46  degrees  10  minutes.  On  the 
5th  of  July  he  observed  a  headland,  which  he  named 
Cape  Shoalwater;  and  on  the  following  day  he 
reached  the  entrance  of  the  river.  His  account  is  as 
follows,  as  given  by  Greenhow : 

''  At  half -past  ten,  being  within  three  leagues  of 
Cape  Shoalwater,  we  had  a  perfect  view  of  it;  and 
with  the  glasses  we  traced  the  line  of  the  coast  to  the 
southward,  which  presented  no  opening  that  pre- 
sented anything  like  an  harbor.  An  high  bluffy 
promontory  bore  oft"  ns  southeast,  at  a  distance  of 
only  four  leagues,  for  which  we  steered  to  double, 
with  the  hope  that  between  it  and  Cape  Shoalwater 
we  should  find  some  sort  of  harbor.  We  now  dis- 
covered distant  land  beyond  this  promontory,  and 


CAPTAIN    JOHN    MEARES 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  271 

we  pleased  ourselves  with  the  expectation  of  its  be- 
ing Cape  St.  Roc  of  the  Spaniards,  near  which  they 
are  said  to  have  found  a  good  port.  By  half-past 
eleven  we  doubled  this  cape,  at  the  distance  of  three 
miles,  having  a  clear  and  perfect  view  of  the  shore  in 
every  part,  on  which  we  did  not  discern  a  living  crea- 
ture, or  the  least  trace  of  habitable  life.  A  prodi- 
gious easterly  swell  rolled  on  the  shore,  and  the 
sounding  gradually  decreased  from  forty  to  sixteen 
fathoms,  over  a  hard  sandy  bottom.  After  we  had 
rounded  the  promontory  a  large  bay,  as  we  had  im- 
agined, opened  to  our  view,  that  bore  a  very  promis- 
ing appearance,  and  into  which  we  steered  with  ev- 
ery encouraging  expectation.  The  high  land  that 
formed  the  boundaries  of  the  bay  was  at  a  great  dis- 
tance, and  a  flat  level  country  occupied  the  interven- 
ing space ;  the  bay  itself  took  rather  a  westerly  di- 
rection. As  we  steered  in  the  water  shoaled  to  nine, 
eight,  and  seven  fathoms,  when  breakers  were  seen 
from  the  deck,  right  ahead,  and  from  the  masthead, 
they  were  observed  to  extend  across  the  bay;  we 
therefore  hauled  out,  and  directed  our  course  to  the 
opposite  shore,  to  see  if  there  was  any  channel,  or  if 
we  could  discover  any  port.  The  name  of  Cape  Dis- 
appointment was  given  to  the  promontory,  and  the 
bay  obtained  the  title  Deception  Bay.  By  an  indif- 
ferent meridian  observation  it  lies  in  the  latitude  of 
46  degrees  ten  minutes.    .    .    . 

"  We  can  now  with  safety  assert  that  there  is  no 
such  river  as  that  of  St.  Roc  exists,  as  laid  down  in 


272  GROWTH  OF  AN  AMERICAN  STATE 

the  Spanish  Charts.  .  .  .  We  now  reached  the  op- 
posite side  of  the  bay,  where  disappointment  con- 
tinued to  accompany  us;  and  being  almost  certain 
that  we  should  tind  no  place  of  shelter  for  the  ship, 
we  bore  up  for  a  distant  headland,  keeping  our  course 
within  two  miles  of  the  shore. ' ' 

The  Columbia  River  was  thus  for  a  few  hours  in 
the  grasp  of  the  English  as  it  had  been  in  that  of  the 
Spanish,  but  a  hasty  conclusion  of  the  Englishman, 
and  no  doubt,  a  wholesome  caution  of  the  breakers 
tumbling  on  the  bar  that  July  noon,  disposed  him  to 
sail  away  for  Tillamook  head,  which  he  called  Cape 
Lookout,  and  to  consider  the  Spanish  hints  as  un- 
trustworthy. If  Meares  had  pursued  either  the  dis- 
covery at  the  straits,  or  at  the  mouth  of  the  river— 
for  this  was  the  Columbia— the  final  disposition  of 
Oregon  might  have  been  more  doubtful. 

Meares'  description  of  the  river's  mouth  is  fine 
and  accurate.  Over  the  lowlands  the  highlands  of 
the  coast  mountains,  with  the  fine  culminating  peak 
of  Saddle  Mountain,  showing  three  almost  perpen- 
dicular points,  or  chimneys,  piercing  a  bright  blue 
summer  sky,  form  one  of  the  finest  of  coastline  views. 


CHAPTER  X 
Russia  in  the  Pacific 


rvoi.  1] 


IN  order  to  trace  all  the  threads  of  influence,  or 
possibility,  it  will  be  now  necessary  to  go 
back  about  a  century,  and  show  what  other 
nations  were  doing  with  the  mysterious 
river  of  the  West,  and  the  mysterious  land 
which  it  watered. 

By  priority  of  discoveries,  and  by  contiguity  of 
possessions,  his  Catholic  Majesty,  the  King  of  Spain, 
had  the  best  claim  to  ownership,  and  the  best  chance 
to  make  good  his  claim.  This  had  been  successfully 
disputed,  however,  by  the  English,  under  Drake,  and 
the  English  sea-rovers,  and  the  name  New  Albion 
showed  that  the  British  did  not  intend  to  lower  the 
Jack  where  it  once  had  floated.  North  America  from 
San  Francisco  Bay  to  the  Straits  of  Fuca  became  as 
time  passed  more  and  more  regarded  as  the  territory 
of  his  Britannic  majesty,  and  by  the  year  1763,  when 
all  of  North  America  above  the  Spanish  possessions, 
fell  to  England,  with  the  fall  of  Montcalm  at  Quebec, 
the  rising  power,  which  was  to  rule  the  Indies  and 
to  be  mistress  of  the  ocean,  looked  upon  America 
westward  to  the  Pacific  as  almost  a  part  of  her  do- 
minion. Her  claims  were  greatly  strengthened  by 
the  discoveries  of  Cook,  and  the  trade  of  the  British 
merchants  to  the  northwest  coast.  Nevertheless,  the 
recognized  key  of  the  country,  the  discovery  of  the 
principal  water  course,  had  not  been  made.  The 
English,  like  the  Spaniards,  had  come  to  the  very^ 
entrance  of  the  great  stream,  but  had  gone  away,  on 
a  bright  July  day,  as  the  Spanish  had  done  on  one 


276  THE    GROWTH    OF 

of  the  summer  halcyons,  and  had  marked  their  at- 
tempt with  the  names  of  Deception  and  Disappoint- 
ment. 

But  there  was  still  another  power,  whose  energy- 
has  been  greater  than  that  of  Spain,  and  which  is 
even  yet  competing  with  Great  Britain  for  the  name 
of  World  Power.  This  was  Russia,  and  we  shall  see 
that  this  formidable  state,  half  European  and  half 
Oriental,  had  the  same  claims,  arising  from  discov- 
ery, and  contiguity  of  possessions,  as  both  Spain  and 
England,  and  for  more  than  a  hundred  years  was  dis- 
posed to  assert  those  claims.  Singularly,  too,  the 
greatest  navigator  in  the  Russian  service,  as  Cook  in 
the  English,  just  missed  the  cruise  that  might  have 
landed  him  within  the  waters  of  the  fabled  Oregon. 
He  was  a  man  far  more  experienced  in  the  northern 
shores,  and  with  the  appearance  of  river-discolored 
waters,  than  either  the  Spanish  or  British,  and  if  he 
had  once  come  where  both  the  English  Meares  and 
the  Spanish  Heceta  arrived  with  their  ships,  he 
would  probably  have  stood  in,  rather  than  off. 

The  advance  of  Russia  has  not  been  predatory,  like 
that  of  Spain;  nor  colonial,  like  that  of  England; 
but  expulsive,  or  explosive,  like  the  envelopment  of 
land  masses  by  volcanic  overflows ;  and  accompanied 
by  terror  and  sufferings  almost  as  great  as  when 
populous  regions  are  encompassed  by  the  irresisti- 
ble operations  of  destructive  nature.  The  mass  of 
her  population  are  Oriental  in  their  passiveness,  and 
are  strong  only  in  bearing  suffering.    By  themselves 


AN    AMERICAN    STATE  277 

tliey  are  only  a  prey  to  any  tyrants  that  cJaoose  to 
oppress  them,  as  for  over  two  hundred  years  they 
yielded  almost  unresisting  obedience  to  the  Mongols, 
wliose  chief  seat  was  on  the  banks  of  the  Amur.  The 
awful  round  of  war,  famine,  fever,  and  poverty  so 
deep  that  we  cannot  even  imagine  it,  have  for  ages 
formed  a  character  so  stolid  that  it  shrinks  from 
nothing  in  the  way  either  of  labor  or  pain,  but  a 
mind  also  so  far  unused  to  self -direction  as  to  seem 
in  its  enforced  periods  of  thought  or  action  as  only 
partially  sane. 

But  this  mass  has  been  since  before  the  year 
1000,  except  during  the  Mongol  rule,  of  "  the 
Golden  Horde,"  ever  animated  and  exasperated  to 
remarkable  deeds  by  the  governing  element  that  came 
from  the  west  or  north.  This  leaven,  or  rather  fire, 
was  a  band  of  Norsemen  who  left  their  names  un- 
mistakably as  far  south  as  Kieff.  The  spark  has 
been  inextinguishable,  and  Russia  is  playing  just 
the  same  as  ever,  the  part  of  an  expanding  power. 
This  may  truly  be  said  to  result  from  suffering  and 
terror,  and  the  hope  of  relief  from  constant  and  un- 
remitting, and  even  remediless  e\dls  at  home.  The 
passiveness  of  the  people  is  so  profound  as  to  offer 
no  check  to  the  natural  instincts  of  the  Norse  ac- 
tivity; and  that  activity  has  been  thus  allowed  to 
expand  and  develop  without  regard  to  reason.  Un- 
der Ivan  I  all  the  Russians  submitted  to  baptism, 
and  became  Greek  Catholics— in  one  day.  What 
could  have  been  accomplished  in  any  other  country 


278  THE    GROWTH    OF 

ouly  by  years,  or  centuries  of  teaching  and  persua- 
sion, was  accepted  at  a  word  from  the  emperor- 
though  he  was  a  monster  of  blood  and  lust.  Ivan  IV 
was  obeyed  just  as  willingly  though  he  led  his  peo- 
ple to  war  and  death  year  by  year  against  the  Poles 
and  Turks,  and  rejoiced  in  the  name  of  The  Terrible. 
Peter  the  Great  was  able  to  introduce  customs  that 
had  been  hated  from  time  immemorial  by  the  old  Mus- 
covites, and  to  change  the  capital  from  Moscow  to 
the  sea.  Finally,  in  our  own  day,  we  have  seen  Alex- 
ander, without  serious  opposition,  free  from  serf- 
dom half  the  population— an  act  accomplished  in 
England,  or  English  colonies,  only  after  generations 
of  philanthropic  effort,  and  in  America  by  more  than 
half  a  century  of  agitation,  and  finally  at  the  price 
of  war  that  more  than  sunk  all  the  worth  of  the 
slave's  '^  unrequitted  toil."  On  the  other  hand  we 
find  the  character  of  the  Russian  rulers,  though  their 
policies  have  often  been  liberal,  violent  and  pas- 
sionate to  the  point  of  madness.  We  are  not  sur- 
prised to  read  of  the  early  emperor  that  struck  dead 
his  own  son  with  his  iron  staff ;  Peter,  perhaps  the 
greatest  and  best  of  all,  was  accustomed  to  passions 
that  took  almost  the  form  of  fits,  contorting  his  fea- 
tures in  a  horrible  fashion ;  and  he  also  executed  his 
feeble-bodied  son  Alexis.  Being  without  any  con- 
stitutional restraints,  and  growing  morally  deformed 
by  lack  of  reasonable  contact  with  their  subjects, 
they  have  also  become  the  objects  of  hate,  either 
of  their  own  relatives,  who  have  the  same  blood,  or 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  279 

by  outraged  subjects,  so  that  they  have  lived  under 
the  perpetual  fear  of  assassination— a  large  propor- 
tion of  them  having  so  perished.  Out  of  their  fears 
have  grown  systematic  tortures  upon  their  people, 
and  the  knout  and  Siberia  have  eased  their  sus- 
picions. 

Two  main  policies  have  grown  out  of  all  this :  one 
the  Autocracy,  which  has  grown  to  universality,  even 
under  the  latest  emperor,  Nicholas  III,  who  is 
stamping  out  liberty  in  Finland,  although  guaran- 
teed by  sacred  compact;  and  territorial  expansion. 
Foreign  enterprise  and  war  have  been  the  only  ef- 
fective check  upon  domestic  turmoil.  Moreover,  an 
inborn  love  of  the  sea,  together  with  a  more  intelli- 
gent conception  of  the  necessity  of  such  a  power 
maintaining  ocean  ports,  has  ever  led  the  Norse- 
spirited  czars  to  push  their  dominions  south  and 
west  and  east.  Hence  the  Crimea  was  wrung  from 
the  Turks ;  the  Neva  was  seized  from  Sweden ;  the 
country  of  the  Caspian  and  Aral  has  been  overrun, 
and  even  the  Persian  Gulf  attained;  Siberia  was 
willingly  accepted  first  from  a  Cossack  who,  by  its 
conquest,  regained  lost  favor;  and  not  only  the 
Amur,  and  Vladivostock,  but  Manchuria,  and  possi- 
bly Korea,  have  been  added.  Ideas,  struggling  in 
the  form  of  passions,  have  thus  ever  dominated  the 
Russian  autocrats,  and  with  a  vast  and  prolific  popu- 
lation, equal  to  any  suffering  and  not  knowing  happi- 
ness at  their  cormnand,  they  have  for  centuries  men- 
aced most  of  the  inhabited  part  of  the  world. 


280  THE    GROWTH    OF 

It  was  from  a  Russian  emperor  that  the  Pacific 
Coast  of  North  America  was  first  looked  upon  as  a 
possible  and  desirable  addition.  This  was  no  other 
than  Peter  the  Great  himself,  to  whom  so  much  of 
all  that  has  followed  in  Russian  policy  must  be  re- 
ferred. As  concisely,  and  no  doubt  correctly  stated 
by  Greenhow :  ' '  In  1711  the  whole  of  northern  Asia 
had  been  completely  subjugated  by  the  Russians,  to 
whom  the  rich  furs  abounding  in  those  regions 
proved  as  attractive  as  the  gold  and  silver  of  Amer- 
ica to  the  Spaniards.  In  the  course  of  their  expedi- 
tions the  Russians  had  traced  the  northern  shore 
of  Asia  to  a  considerable  distance  from  Europe,  and 
had  formed  establishments  on  those  of  Kamchatka. 
But  they  had  not  yet,  by  their  discoveries,  afforded 
the  means  of  determining  whether  Asia  and  America 
were  united  on  the  north,  or  were  separated  by  the 
Icy  Sea. 

"  By  these  conquests  the  Russians  had  secured  a 
commerce  carried  on  by  caravans,  according  to  a 
treaty  concluded  in  1689,  passing  between  certain 
great  marts  in  each  empire.  But  the  ambitious  Czar 
Peter,  who  then  filled  the  Russian  throne,  was  not 
content  with  such  acquisitions;  he  was  anxious  to 
know  what  territories  lay  beyond  the  sea  bounding 
his  dominions  on  the  east,  and  whether  he  could  not, 
by  directing  his  forces  in  that  way,  invade  the  estab- 
lishments of  the  French,  the  British,  or  the  Spanish, 
in  America.  With  these  views  he  ordered  that  ves- 
sels should  be  built  in  Kamchatka,  and  equipped 


AN    AMERICAN    STATE  2«1 

for  voyages  of  discovery,  to  be  made  according  to 
plans  he  himself  drew  up;  while  at  the  same  time 
vessels  should  proceed  from  Archangel,  on  the  White 
Sea,  eastward,  to  explore  the  ocean  north  of  Europe 
and  Asia,  in  search  of  a  navigable  communication,  or 
northeast,  passage  through  it  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Pacific." 

This  was  a  great  and  bold  conception,  and  shows 
Peter  to  have  been  one  of  the  foremost  minds  of  the 
age,  in  the  way  of  understanding  the  bearing  of  the 
geographical  discoveries  of  his  day.  The  idea  that 
there  might  be  a  practicable  route  north  of  Asia,  by 
which  he  might  command  the  Pacific,  was  a  gleam 
of  true  genius.  At  this  time,  it  should  also  be  re- 
membered, both  the  Spaniards  and  English  were 
torpid  in  the  Pacific.  By  the  death  of  Peter,  how- 
ever, the  brilliant  design  was  delayed,  until  in  1728 
his  successor,  Katharine  I,  who  was  also  his  widow, 
took  it  up  once  more.  Katharine  was  a  peasant  girl, 
said  to  have  had  a  great  and  good  influence  over 
Peter,  and  as  tradition  has  it,  saved  him  and  his 
army  from  the  Turks,  when  he  had  been  outgeneraled 
and  must  have  suffered  a  crushing  defeat  except  for 
her  clever  intervention.  A  small  vessel  was  com- 
pleted at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Kamchatka,  and 
the  command  of  the  expedition  was  given  to  Vitus 
Bering,  who  was  a  Dane,  of  great  skill  as  a  navi- 
gator, and  had  already  been  selected  by  Peter. 
Alexis  Tchirikof ,  a  Russian,  and  Martin  Spangberg, 
a  German,  were  selected  as  his  mates. 


282  THE    GROWTH   OF 

On  his  first  voyage,  leaving  Kamchatka,  July  14, 
1728,  Bering  succeeded  in  rounding  the  northeast 
cape  of  Asia,  and  found  the  shore  trending  westward, 
and  the  open  Arctic  Sea,  extending  indefinitely 
thither  also.  This  shore  presented  to  his  view  noth- 
ing but  rocks  and  snow;  to  the  eastward,  or  north- 
eastward, he  saw  nothing  but  the  sea,  and  rightly 
concluding  that  he  had  passed  around  the  most  east- 
ern extremity  of  Asia,  and  being  afraid  of  the  ice 
closing  upon  his  return  course,  went  back  to  Kam- 
chatka, arriving  in  September.  He  did  not  learn  that 
the  coast  of  North  America  was  but  a  short  distance 
from  his  northeast  cape,  and  his  name  was  not  be- 
stowed upon  the  straits  until  the  gallant  Cook, 
always  ready  to  recognize  another's  dues,  passed 
through  the  same  waters  more  than  fifty  years  later. 
It  is  of  interest,  however,  to  reflect  that  our  Pacific 
Ocean  was  the  scene  of  the  exploits  and  labors  of 
the  best  that  the  great  Peter  could  select  from  the 
great  Danish  race  of  sailors. 

The  next  year  Bering  attempted  to  reach  the  Amer- 
ican coast  by  sailing  southwest,  but  meeting  with 
storms,  was  driven  back  into  the  sea  of  Okhotsk, 
Spangberg  and  Walton,  from  Okhotsk,  discovered 
passages  through  the  Kuriles  to  Japan,  and  a 
wrecked  junk  on  the  shores  of  Kamchatka  proved 
that  there  was  open  water  to  the  south.  A  Russian, 
Krupsichof,  sailed  in  1732  to  the  northeast  point  of 
Asia,  and  was  thence  driven  bv  storms  to  the  coast  of 
a  high  and  mountainous  land,  which  was  doubtless 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  283 

America.  Eight  years  later,  the  Empress  Ann,  hav- 
ing come  to  the  throne,  commissioned  Bering  to  at- 
tempt another  voyage  of  discovery,  having  two  ves- 
sels, the ''  St.  Peter  "  and  ''  St.  Paul,"  built  for  the 
purpose  at  Avatscha  Bay,  Kamchatka— usually 
called  now  Petropulaski— and  furnishing  him  the 
best  of  instruments,  and  a  competent  body  of  learned 
men,  among  whom  was  Stellar,  a  German  surgeon. 
Bering  took  command  of  the  ''  St.  Peter,"  and 
Tchirikof  of  the  "  St.  Paul."  They  left  on  June  4, 
1740,  and  the  two  ships  kept  together  until  the  21st, 
when  they  were  separated  by  a  storm,  and  did  not 
again  meet. 

Bering  sailed  as  far  south  as  latitude  46  degrees, 
but  what  longitude  is  not  stated.  This,  however,  was 
almost  precisely  that  of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia. 
But  finding  no  land,  he  altered  his  course  to  the 
northeast,  reaching  at  length  on  July  18,  the  shore  of 
the  continent,  being  directed,  as  the  weather  seems 
to  have  been  fair,  by  the  stupendous  landmark  of  St. 
Elias,  first  seen  eighty  miles  at  sea.  The  St.  Elias 
Alps,  and  still  more  conclusively  a  great  abundance 
of  stained  water  coming  from  the  land,  afforded  cer- 
tain proof  that  they  were  on  the  continental  shores. 
The  men  of  the  expedition  were  all  animated  by  the 
discovery,  and  most  anxious  to  go  southward  and 
coast  the  country  to  the  southeastward,  whither  it 
trended.  As  it  was  now  but  midsummer,  when  the 
fair  northwest  winds  might  be  depended  upon,  it 
would  have  been  but  a  matter  of  a  few  weeks  to  fall 


284  THE    GROWTH    OF 

20  degrees,  and  have  ample  time  to  examine  the  en- 
tire coast  from  Fuca  to  California.  Some  idea  of 
this  great  opportunity  was  clearly  present  to  the 
men;  but  Bering,  now  old  and  enfeebled  by  voyage, 
seems  to  have  become  imbued  with  an  old  man's 
caution,  and  not  only  refused  to  allow  any  of  the 
men  on  shore,  but  also  vetoed  the  wishes  of  his  mates 
and  men,  and  gave  orders  that  the  ' '  St.  Peter  ' '  steer 
away  for  Kamchatka.  The  voyage  proved  most 
miserable  in  its  ending.  A  slow  progress  was  made 
along  the  Aleutian  Islands,  and  for  two  months  they 
were  driven  at  random  over  the  sea.  Stellar  makes 
an  entry  in  his  journal,  describing  their  perils  and 
miseries:  "  The  general  distress  and  mortality  in- 
creased so  fast  that  not  only  the  sick  died  but  those 
who  pretended  to  be  healthy,  when  relieved  from 
their  post,  fainted,  or  fell  down  dead;  of  which  the 
scantiness  of  water,  the  want  of  biscuits  and  brandy ; 
cold,  wet,  nakedness,  vermin,  and  terror,  were  not 
the  least  causes. ' '  Finally,  in  November,  finding  an 
island,  they  determined  to  winter,  and  here  Bering 
died.  The  remnant  were  compelled  to  make  their 
escape  the  next  year  in  a  boat  constructed  out  of  the 
wreck  of  their  ship,  which  came  ashore  and  was 
dashed  in  pieces. 

The  expedition  of  Tchirikof  was  equally  unsatis- 
factory. After  parting  with  Bering  he  continued  his 
course  eastward,  and  at  length  found  land  in  latitude 
56  degrees,  near  Prince  of  Wales  Archipelago. 
Sending  a  boat  ashore  with  eight  men,  he  waited  in 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  285 


vain  for  their  return.  A  relief  party  of  the  same 
number,  sent  to  find  or  assist  the  first,  likewise  never 
returned.  Such  an  event  seemed  to  justify  Bering's 
caution,  and,  together  with  such  massacres  of  the 
Spanish  and  English  as  at  Destruction  Island,  indi- 
cate that  the  native  Americans  were  not  well  dis- 
posed toward  Europeans,  and  that  the  killing  of  the 
crew  of  the  beeswax  ship,  said  to  have  been  wrecked 
at  Nehalem  Bay,  was  not  apochryphal.  Scurvy  was 
also  weakening  his  crew;  and  retracing  his  course 
Tchirikof  reached  Ochotsk  only  after  he  had  lost  21 
men,  including  a  distinguished  French  naturalist, 
Delile  de  Croyere. 

Both  these  expeditions  illustrate  the  insufficiency 
of  the  usual  government  expedition,  where  supplies 
are  too  often  deteriorated  by  official  peculation,  or 
where  the  actual  needs  are  little  known,  and  but  little 
provided  for.  All  the  voyages  of  those  times  were 
full  of  peril,  no  scientific  means  of  providing  good 
water,  or  scientific  measures  for  combating  scurvy, 
having  been  discovered.  However,  if  Bering  had 
been  twelve  years  younger,  and  had  taken  the  advice 
to  sail  south,  and  had  thus  passed  the  winter  at  San 
Francisco  Bay,  and  had  discovered  the  valuable  furs 
of  the  northwest  coast,  it  is  possible  that  Russia 
might  more  nearly  have  realized  the  destiny  in 
America  that  Humboldt  predicted. 

The  only  immediate  results  of  these  adventures  of 
Bering  and  Tchirikof  came  from  the  efforts  of  in- 
dividual seamen.     The  skins  of  the  sea  otters  and 


286  THE   GROWTH   OF 

black  foxes  used  on  Bering's  Island,  where  the  win- 
ter was  spent  and  the  Dane  died,  were  taken  to 
Kamchatka,  and  sold  for  such  high  prices  as  to  in- 
duce the  sailors  to  return  to  the  Aleutians  and  pro- 
cure more.  In  this  way  a  small  trade,  in  the  most  in- 
secure ships,  or  mere  boats  constructed  of  planks 
tied  together  with  leather  strings,  or  thongs,  was 
carried  on  from  island  to  island,  until  when  in  1779 
Cook  visited  Unalaska,  and  the  courageous  Ledyard 
undertook  to  look  out  the  location  of  the  white  men 
that  were  told  of  by  the  Indians,  considerable  settle- 
ments were  found  almost  to  the  mainland  of  America. 
But  the  trade  was  performed  amidst  almost  incon- 
ceivable difficulties  and  hardships,  and  such  losses  as 
to  have  entirely  discouraged  any  people  less  fatalis- 
tic than  the  Russians.  It  is  said  that  about  one-third 
of  the  vessels  sent  out  among  the  islands  were  lost 
regularly  every  year.  The  disregard  of  human  life 
that  would  persevere  with  equipments  so  inadequate 
can  scarcely  command  our  admiration,  nor  could 
the  pecuniary  profits  be  very  great. 

The  furs  collected  by  this  precarious  trade  were 
destined  for  the  Chinese  markets.  But  the  route 
from  the  Russian  ports  on  the  Pacific  side  was  by 
land.  I^rom  Avatscha  and  Ochotsk  they  were  car- 
ried to  Irkutsk,  the  capital  of  Eastern  Siberia, 
whence  some  were  taken  to  Europe,  but  the  greater 
portion  were  sent  to  Kiakta,  a  small  town  then  just 
within  the  Russian  frontier,  close  to  the  Chinese 
town  of  Maimatchin,  the  trade  city  established  by 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  287 

treaty  with  Russia.  In  return  for  the  furs,  which 
brought  better  prices  in  China  than  elsewhere,  teas, 
rice,  tobacco,  porcelain,  and  cotton  and  silk  goods 
were  brought  to  Irkutsk,  and  thence  for  the  most  part 
sent  to  Europe.  It  was  undoubtedly  a  profitable 
commerce,  but  accomplished  only  by  the  most  long 
and  tedious  journeys,  and  at  an  expense  of  life  and 
suffering  that  would  now  not  be  tolerable.  How- 
ever, it  was  a  necessary  first  step  in  the  more  daring 
and  humane  trade  directly  from  the  northwest  coast 
of  America  to  China,  which  had  such  a  bearing  upon 
the  fortunes  and  destiny  of  Oregon;  for  unless  this 
slow  and  painful  Russian  commerce  had  been  first 
established  the  Chinese  would  not  have  placed  sach 
a  value  upon  our  furs,  not  having  acquired  an  esti- 
mate of  this. 

Not  until  Catharine  II,  a  bold  and  daring  princess 
from  Anhhalt,  but  raised  to  the  Russian  throne,  and 
for  energy  and  acumen  equal  either  to  Elizabeth  or 
Maria  Theresa,  did  the  Russian  Government  again 
prosecute  discovery  in  America.  In  1764,  however, 
the  empress  gave  orders  that  the  plans  of  Peter  the 
Great  be  taken  up,  and  in  two  years  later  Lieutenant 
Synd  sailed  under  orders,  and  is  supposed  to  have 
reached  America,  but  if  so  his  discoveries  were  unim- 
portant. After  two  years  more  two  Russians,  Kren- 
itzin  and  Lavaschef,  left  the  Kamchatka  River,  and 
passed  a  winter  among  the  Aleutian  Islands;  but 
this  expedition  was  marked  with  such  suffering  from 
scurvy,  due  probably  to  insufficient  and  improper 


288  THE    GROWTH    OF 

food,  that  half  the  crew  died;  and  Krenitzin^ dis- 
tinguished himself  chiefly  by  loading  his  own  ship 
with  furs.  Lavaschef  seems  to  have  been  more  con- 
scientious and  prepared  a  valuable  report  on  the 
methods  of  the  fur  trade.  The  very  first  furs  taken 
directly  by  sea  to  China  are  said  to  have  been  by  a 
party  of  Poles,  who  under  their  leader.  Count  Mau- 
rice de  Eenyowski,  a  Hungarian,  escaped  from  Kam- 
chatka, and  cruised  among  the  Aleutians,  gathering 
furs  in  the  ship  they  had  built,  and  finally  sailed  away 
to  Japan,  and  at  last  to  China,  disposing  of  their 
goods.  This  is  but  one  of  the  hundreds  of  wild  tales 
that  might  be  revived  in  imagination  from  the  shores 
of  the  North  Pacific. 

The  Russians  were  the  first  to  profit  by  the  re- 
sults of  Cook's  last  voyage.  In  1781,  having  gath- 
ered much  information  from  Cook's  vessels  as  they 
lay  at  the  harbor  of  Petropovlaski,  a  company  of 
Russian  merchants  of  eastern  Siberia  and  Kam- 
chatka formed  a  company.  The  names  of  the  lead- 
ers are  given  as  Gregory  Schelikoff  and  Ivan  Goli- 
koff;  and  under  the  former  three  vessels  sailed  in 
1783  from  Kamchatka  to  America.  This  coast  was 
reached  in  a  high  latitude  and  several  establishments 
were  made  on  the  island  of  Kadiak.  Schelikoff  is 
described  as  a  man  of  great  intrepidity  and  perse- 
verance, well  acquainted  with  his  business,  but  un- 
scrupulous and  cruel.  He  and  his  followers  are  said 
to  have  treated  the  natives  with  great  barbarity,  put- 
ting to  death  whole  tribes  upon  the  slightest  pretext 


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a 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  289 

of  advantage,  or  from  mere  wantonness.  Such  ac- 
tions have  left  marks  to  this  day  upon  the  impressi- 
ble savage.  However,  the  Russian  advance  was  con- 
tinued, and  in  1787  we  find  establishments  made  on 
Cook's  River;  and  the  next  year  two  vessels  sailed 
from  Asia  under  Ismyloff  and  Betschareff,  who  ad- 
vanced to  the  bay  at  the  foot  of  Mt.  St.  Elias,  and  had 
a  plan  of  going  down  the  coast  and  occupying  Nootka 
Sound. 

Catharine  was  still  anxious  for  furthering  dis- 
covery on  the  American  coast,  and  finding  no  avail- 
able Russians,  employed  Joseph  Billings,  an  Eng- 
lishman, who  was  placed  in  command  of  an  expedi- 
tion from  Okhotsk.  But  owing  to  long  delays  and 
lack  of  material  for  building  the  vessels,  he  did  not 
sail  for  five  years,  making  the  voyage  in  1790 ;  even 
then  he  was  poorly  equipped,  one  of  his  vessels  was 
lost  soon,  and  with  the  other  he  proceeded  no  further 
than  the  bay  near  St.  Elias.  The  next  year  two  ves- 
sels sailed  under  Hall  and  Sarytschef,  but  made  no 
advance  over  other  explorers,  and  the  record  of  the 
journey,  made  by  one  Martin  Sauer,  a  German,  is  of 
the  usual  sufferings. 

Although  now  reaching  a  point  in  time  in  advance 
of  that  treated  when  speaking  of  the  Spanish  and 
English,  and  after  the  iVmericans  began  to  be  seen 
in  the  Pacific,  it  will  be  advisable  to  finish  the  ac- 
count here  of  the  Russians  in  the  Pacific.  The  Em- 
peror Paul  came  to  the  throne,  and  although  not  a 
great  ruler  he  was  a  man  of  ideas,  and  having  read 

[Vol.  1] 


290  THE   GROWTH   OF 

the  works  of  Humboldt,  in  which  the  destiny  of  Rus- 
sia was  declared  to  include  the  mastery  of  the  north- 
ern Pacific  and  the  coasts  of  America,  is  supposed 
to  have  been  influenced  thereby  to  forward  the  Rus- 
sian establishments  here.  It  was  first  decided  to  put 
an  end  to  Schelikolf 's  company,  on  account  of  its 
cruelties  to  the  natives;  but  was  afterwards  con- 
cluded to  unite  this  with  another  under  the  name  of 
the  Russian- American  Company,  which  was  done  in 
1799;  giving  the  concern  the  entire  use  and  control 
for  twenty  years  of  the  American  coast  from  lati- 
tude 55  degrees  to  Bering's  Straits.  This  latitude 
is  important  to  remember  as  the  first  intimation  of 
the  part  of  the  continent  to  which  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernment felt  itself  entitled. 

This  became  a  vigorous  organization,  and  had  the 
authority  of  a  government  of  its  own.  It  was  ap- 
parently founded  to  a  degree  upon  the  idea  of  the 
English  company,  or  monopoly.  An  establishment 
was  made  on  Norfolk  Sound  in  1799,  on  the  main- 
land, but  this  was  destroyed  by  natives  and  some 
American  deserters;  and  New  Archangel,  or  Sitka, 
as  now  known,  was  then  built  on  the  island.  Other 
establishments  were  made,  and  it  was  intended  in 
1806  to  occupy  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  Russia  at 
that  time  extending  her  claim  on  the  coast  to  this 
point.  The  company  seems  to  have  proved  a  success- 
ful business  venture,  but  so  far  as  serving  the  ends 
of  humanity  is  concerned,  was  no  improvement  over 
the  old  order.    Although  their  charter  especially  pro- 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  291 


vided  that  the  natives  should  be  treated  with  kind- 
ness, and  converted  to  Christianity,  the  provisions 
were  not  carried  out.  Under  arbitrary  power,  un- 
restricted and  uninterpreted  by  the  needs  or  voices 
of  the  people  governed,  humanity  is  invariably  lost 
sight  of,  whether  it  be  Spaniard,  English,  or  Russian, 
that  exerts  the  authority.  The  establishments  were 
made  chiefly  upon  the  Aleutian  Islands,  and  the  na- 
tives who  procured  the  furs,  under  white  hunters, 
were  brought  thither  from  other  and  distant  parts 
of  North  America,  and  knew  neither  the  language  nor 
customs  of  the  other  natives,  and  had  no  sympathy 
or  understanding  with  them.  This  was,  of  course,  as 
a  security  against  insubordination  or  insurrection. 
The  white  men  were  enlisted  in  various  parts  of 
Siberia,  or  Kamchatka,  for  a  term  of  years.  They 
were  known  as  adventurers,  or  Promuschleniks,  and 
of  much  the  same  station  as  the  Voyageurs,  or  serv- 
ants of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company. 

These  adventurers  were  employed  according  to  the 
will  of  their  superiors  as  soldiers,  sailors,  hunters, 
fishermen,  or  mechanics.  It  is  stated  by  Greenhow 
that  in  the  best  of  their  situations  their  lot  was  more 
wretched  than  that  of  any  other  beings  in  the  civil- 
ized world,  and  their  miseries  were  only  exceeded 
by  those  of  the  natives  under  them.  This  statement, 
though  rather  strong,  seems  to  be  based  upon  the  re- 
ports of  Krusenstern,  who  is  quoted  as  saying  that 
none  but  vagabonds  and  adventurers  ever  entered  the 
company's  service  as  Promuschleniks;    that  it  was 


292  THE    GROWTH   OF 


their  invariable  destiny  to  pass  a  life  of  wretchedness 
in  America ;  and  that  few  had  the  good  fortune  to 
touch  Russian  ground  again,  and  very  few  ever  at- 
tained the  object  of  their  wishes  by  returning  to 
Europe. 

The  chief  agent  of  the  company  in  America  was 
Alexander  Baranolf,  who  later  figured  so  conspicu- 
ously in  the  plans  of  Astor.  He  is  described  as 
''  shrewd,  bold,  enterprising  and  unfeeling;  of  iron 
frame  and  nerves,  and  the  coarsest  habits  and  man- 
ners. By  his  inflexible  severity  and  energy  he  main- 
tained his  sway  over  America  for  over  twenty  years. 
He  showed  little  respect  for  the  directory  of  the  com- 
pany in  Russia,  and  neither  directory  nor  emperor 
knew  of  his  operations  without  sending  special 
agents. ' '  Partly  for  this  reason,  though  also  for  sci- 
entific purposes  two  vessels  were  despatched  from 
St.  Petersburg  in  1803,  by  way  of  Cape  Horn,  under 
the  resolute  and  enlightened  Krusenstern,  who  made 
a  miuute  examination  of  the  factories  and  state  of 
trade,  and  found  a  very  strong  anti-Russian  feeling 
in  Japan  and  China.  The  bearing  of  this  will  ap- 
pear later,  as  it  was  the  ground  of  the  profitable  com- 
merce of  Americans,  who  furnished  supplies  to  the 
Russians,  and  to  whom  there  was  no  ill-will  in  China. 

With  one  Von  Resanoff,  a  plenipotentiary  from 
Russia,  we  will  close  this  abstract.  Great  interest 
attaches  to  his  name,  not  from  his  character,  because 
he  seems  to  have  been  justly  described  as  ' '  singular- 
ly incompetent  and  ridiculous,"  but  because  it  was 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  293 

Jie  who  attempted  to  occupy  the  mouth  of  the  Colum- 
bia Kiver  as  a  post  of  his  company.  The  object  of 
this  was  to  find  a  point  where  supplies  might  be 
raised,  and  dependence  upon  the  Americans  be  obvi- 
ated. Some  good  point  on  the  coast  to  the  south 
was  therefore  to  be  looked  for,  and  a  station  estab- 
lished. The  Columbia  River  was  deemed  such  a 
point,  and  an  American  ship,  the  ''  Juno,"  from 
Rhode  Island,  was  purchased  for  the  purpose.  But 
as  if  it  had  some  grudge  against  autocracy  and  mon- 
archy in  all  its  forms,  the  Columbia,  when  the  ex- 
pedition approached,  swept  aside  their  vessel,  not 
now  manned  by  Americans,  and  Resanoff  went  down 
to  California,  the  settlement  of  Russian  River  being 
finally  made,  but  never  effected  its  object.  The  Rus- 
sians still  depended  on  Americans,  and  finally  upon 
Oregon,  for  their  wheat  and  flour. 

As  to  the  Russian  claims,  of  which  a  r^sum^  will 
be  given  later,  the  trade  of  Americans  in  the  North 
Pacific  was  discussed  with  John  Quincy  Adams,  then 
minister  to  Russia,  and  was  spoken  of  as  illicit. 
When  Adams  asked  to  what  point  down  the  coast  it, 
was  deemed  such,  the  reply  of  the  Russian  was  from 
Bering's  Straits  southward  to  and  beyond  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia  River.  Although  very  friendly  to 
Russia  the  American  minister  considered  such  a 
claim  as  little  less  than  preposterous,  and  the  negotia- 
tion terminated  abruptly. 


CHAPTER  XI 
The   Dutch   and   French   in   the   Pacific 


ALTHOUGH  the  Russians,  as  seen  in  the 
last  chapter,  had  their  opportunity  to 
discover,  and  even  to  possess  without 
opposition  the  river  and  countiy  for 
which  any  nation  might  now  fight  to 
the  last,  this  was  not  the  only  one  of  the  European 
States  to  which  it  might  have  gone,  as  it  lay  in  the 
unexplored  continent.  The  Dutch  and  the  French 
also  had  the  chance,  and  long  before  the  question  of 
sovereignty  over  Oregon  was  settled  their  vessels 
ploughed  the  waves  of  the  Pacific.  In  this  chapter 
an  account  will  be  given  of  the  operations  in  regard 
to  Oregon  of  both  these  nations. 

The  Dutch,  after  their  long  struggle  with  Spain, 
and  final  success,  became  the  greatest  of  seafarers. 
Their  power  on  the  ocean  rose  so  high  that  they 
dared  enter  any  sea,  and  their  ability  as  navigators 
exceeded  that  of  their  rivals.  They  had  all  the  nec- 
essary daring,  also,  to  attempt  any  chase  around  the 
world.  As  early  as  1616  the  Dutch  navigators  Le- 
maire  and  Van  Schouten  discovered  the  open  sea 
south  of  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  and  named  Cape 
Horn  after  their  native  town.  This  discovery  proved 
a  great  advantage  to  navigators,  but  a  menace  to  the 
Spaniards,  as  it  was  now  no  longer  so  dangerous  and 
difficult  to  pass  into  the  Pacific,  neither  could  the 
passage  be  guarded.  The  Dutch,  who  had  no  love  of 
the  Spaniards,  quickly  availed  themselves  of  the  op- 
portunity to  enter  the  forbidden  sea,  and  in  excur- 
sions deemed  piratical  by  the  Spanish,  made  a  prey 


298  THE   GROWTH   OF 

of  the  vessels  plying  between  Mexico  and  Manila. 
These  pirates,  or  buccaneers,  increased,  and  formed 
a  regular  combination.  Sailing  into  the  northern  Pa- 
cific, they  found  at  length  a  place  well  adapted  as 
headquarters  within  the  Gulf  of  California,  on  a  bay 
called  Pichilingue.  Under  the  name  of  Pichilingues 
they  made  incursions  along  the  Mexican  coast,  and 
as  late  as  1683  we  find  the  Mexican  governors  mak- 
ing expeditions  to  rout  them  out  and  to  collect  pearls 
also,  on  the  Vermilion  Sea.  How  long  they  may  have 
remained  here,  or  where  they  went  when  finally  aban- 
doning this  cove,  we  do  not  know.  They,  or  their 
successors,  may  have  continued  for  many  years,  de- 
generating at  length  into  mere  robbers.  Possibly 
some  of  the  strange  tales  of  white  men  visiting  their 
shores,  or  the  sea  islands,  found  among  old  tradi- 
tions of  the  natives  of  the  coast,  or  the  South  Sea, 
may  be  attributed  to  the  remnants  of  these  bands. 
The  white  complexions  and  red,  or  auburn,  hair,  no- 
ticed by  first  travelers,  either  on  the  American  con- 
tinent, or  among  the  Polynesians,  may,  perhaps,  be 
traced  to  such  a  source ;  as  we  have  many  accounts  in 
later  years  of  sailors  cast  away,  and  making  their 
home  with  the  natives,  and  usually  rising  to  distinc- 
tion in  the  tribe. 

It  is  just  possible,  at  least  nearly  enough  so  to  be 
a  suggestion  for  romance,  that  the  traditionary  ship 
of  the  Tillamook  people,  which  came  to  Nekahni 
Mountain  and  there  deposited  a  chest  supposed  to 
contain  treasure,  may  be  referred  to  a  band  of  rovers 


DUTCH   MAP,    1624-6 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  299 

such  as  the  Pichilingues  were  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. It  is  more  than  probable  also  that  the  coasts  of 
California,  and  probably  of  Oregon,  were  well  known 
to  the  freebooters  long  before  their  discovery  by 
navigators  or  men  of  science. 

The  discoveries  of  Tasman  have  already  been 
mentioned.  Java,  and  other  points  in  the  East  In- 
dies were  occupied  by  William  of  Orange,  who  be- 
came ruler  of  England  in  1688.  Dutch  explorations 
were  the  first  to  ascend  the  coast  of  Asia  northward, 
whence  it  would  not  have  been  difficult  to  cross  to  Ore- 
gon. However,  no  permanent  establishments  could 
have  been  expected  from  the  Pichilingues,  or  any 
body  of  men  of  whatever  nation,  whose  main  object 
was  simply  to  prey  upon  commerce,  even  though  of 
an  enemy.  Moreover,  shortly  after  establishing  her 
colonies,  the  Netherlands  reverted  to  a  monarchical 
form  of  government,  and  thenceforth  lapsed  into  the 
conservative  methods  belonging  to  such  a  form. 
After  the  greater  part  of  the  capital  of  a  people  has 
been  invested  in  fixed  conditions,  and  a  fixed  return 
must  be  safeguarded,  the  spirit  of  enterprise  is  likely 
to  decline. 

While  therefore  the  Dutch  had  the  opportunity, 
and  for  a  time  made  the  North  Pacific  the  rendezvous 
of  irregular  enterprises,  all  results,  whatever  they 
may  have  been,  were  dissipated  among  their  Spanish 
pursuers,  or  among  the  Indian  tribes  until  both  sub- 
stance and  name,  and  even  nearly  all  remembrance 
have  been  lost. 


300  THE    GROWTH    OF 

As  to  the  French  no  characterization  of  that  great 
but  decadent  people  need  be  made  here.  Composed 
of  Gaul  and  Norman  under  Roman  ideas,  and  with  a 
romantic  language,  they  have  developed  such  clear- 
ness of  thought  and  keen  power  of  expression  as  to 
be  content  with  little  action.  It  is  their  boast  that 
there  is  nothing  that  they  cannot  say— as  it  has  be- 
come the  boast  of  Americans  that  there  is  nothing 
they  cannot  do.  What  America  owes  to  France  is 
perfectly  known.  Champlain,  one  of  the  first  minds 
of  his  age,  stamped  the  French  language  and  laws 
upon  the  communities  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  La  Salle, 
Marquette,  and  Joliet,  and  other  missionaries,  trad- 
ers and  explorers  gave  the  basin  of  the  great  lakes 
and  the  upper  Mississippi  Valley  to  France,  and  a 
region  still  studded  with  French  names  and  French 
progeny,  Duquesne  and  Montcalm  gave  to  America 
heroic  names,  and  although  England  and  her  colon- 
ists wrested  Canada  and  the  control  of  North  America 
from  their  hands,  the  astute  minds  at  the  French 
capital  soon  saw  that  it  was  but  to  separate  the  do- 
minion finally  from  England.  It  was  not  a  matter 
for  surprise  that  within  twenty  years  France  gave 
to  the  United  States  the  sovereignty  that  she  was 
compelled  to  lay  down  at  Quebec;  and  that  along 
with  Washington  Americans  honor  La  Fayette. 

By  right  of  priority  and  contiguity  France  had  as 
good  a  right  to  Oregon  as  any  European  state.  The 
contention  has  been  made  that  the  French  actually 
knew  and  mapped  the  course  of  the  Columbia.    This 


AN   AMP]RICAN    STATE  301 

contention  seems  to  have  the  sanction  of  so  great  an 
authority  as  Guizot.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
truth  France  had  until  1764  the  unquestioned  owner- 
ship of  Canada  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  what- 
ever lay  beyond  was  free  to  her  explorers.  For  a 
time  also  she  had  the  Louisiana  country,  which  ex- 
tended to  the  borders  of  Oregon,  and  laid  the  way 
open  to  the  Columbia;  though  the  period  of  such 
ownership  was  not  long  enough  to  allow  any  exten- 
sive discoveries. 

Aside  from  expeditions  of  French,  or  of  Indians 
under  the  French  jurisdiction,  from  Canada,  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains  or  beyond,  we  have  no  accounts  of 
early  discovery  by  the  Gallic  nation.  France  has 
ever  been  so  occupied  with  European  politics,  in 
which  she  has  made  great  and  often  desperate  efforts 
to  retain  the  leadership,  that  she  has  seldom  held 
ascendency  on  the  sea.  The  Pacific,  therefore,  dur- 
ing the  days  when  it  was  ruled  by  Spain,  and  was 
not  visited  by  others  except  British  or  Dutch  free- 
booters, was  undisturbed  by  the  prows  of  the  French. 
Apparently  not  until  1785  was  there  any  deliberate 
effort  on  the  part  of  the  King  of  France  to  explore 
or  gain  the  honors  or  riches  that  abounded  along  the 
shores  of  the  greatest  ocean,  or  from  the  commerce 
that  should  float  upon  its  waters.  But  when  the  re- 
sults of  Cook's  last  voyage  became  known,  and  espe- 
cially after  John  Ledyard  visited  France,  as  we  shall 
learn  later  in  detail,  Louis  XVI,  then  on  the  throne, 
though  discouraging  the  American,  was  so  greatly 


302  THE    GROWTH    OF 

impressed  with  the  possibilities  and  advantages  now 
opened  in  the  West  as  to  plan  an  expedition  of  his 
own.  It  is  said  that  the  idea  originated  with  him, 
and  that  he  drew  up  with  his  own  hand  the  greater 
part  of  the  instructions  before  telling  anyone  of  his 
intentions.  While  this  gives  him  the  credit  of  orig- 
inality it  does  not  do  great  honor  to  his  wisdom ;  for 
the  instructions  were  so  detailed  and  required  so 
many  observations  all  over  the  ocean  as  to  leave  but 
small  time  for  any  one  object.  If  all  the  time  allotted 
had  been  spent  upon  a  careful  survey  of  the  north- 
west coast,  it  is  hardly  doubtful  that  both  the  Straits 
of  Fuca  and  the  Columbia  River  would  have  been 
thoroughly  examined  by  the  French  before  any  other 
nation  had  found  them.  This,  moreover,  was  the 
special  object  of  the  voyage,  his  instructions  reading 
particularly  to  "  explore  the  parts  of  the  northwest 
coast  not  visited  by  Cook,  and  of  which  the  Russian 
accounts  gave  no  idea,  in  order  to  obtain  information 
respecting  the  fur  trade,  and  also  to  learn  whether  in 
those  unknown  parts  some  river  or  internal  sea  might 
not  be  found  communicating  with  Hudson's  or  Baf- 
fin's Bay." 

In  order  to  carry  out  his  plan  the  king  selected  La 
Perouse,  a  naval  officer  who  had  begun  his  career  as 
but  a  lad  of  thirteen,  but  had  worked  his  way  up,  and 
had  obtained  much  of  his  training  and  his  reputa- 
tion in  American  waters.  He  had  served  with  dis- 
tinction in  the  French  fleet  sent  to  assist  the  Ameri- 
cans in  the  war  of  Independence,  and  had  also  made 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  303 

a  bold  expedition  to  Hudson's  Bay,  destroying  the 
British  posts  there  situated.  He  was  now  equipped 
with  two  vessels,  the  "  Boussole,"  of  which  he  held 
command  in  person,  and  the  ' '  Astrolabe, ' '  of  which 
his  lieutenant,  De  Langle,  was  in  command.  A  corps 
of  scientific  men  were  also  detailed  for  his  assistance, 
and  the  entire  outfit  was  intended  to  surpass  the  feats 
of  Cook. 

Leaving  France  in  1785  he  had  a  prosperous  voy- 
age to  the  northwest  coast,  first  sighting  land  in  the 
high  latitude  of  Mount  Fairweather.  The  bay  at 
which  he  anchored  was  called  by  him  Port  du  Fran- 
cais,  and  here  the  expedition  remained  a  full  month, 
refitting  the  ships,  and  trading  with  the  natives, 
while  the  scientific  section  obtained  a  very  large 
amount  of  information  about  the  inhabitants,  and 
animals  and  plants,  of  the  continent.  This  was  a 
point  too  far  north,  however,  for  the  best  objects  of 
the  voyage,  and  very  small  results  to  geographical 
knowledge  were  gained.  The  expedition  was  thus 
prejudiced  and  borne  out  of  its  natural  objective 
by  the  idea  of  the  fur  trade,  and  the  previous  voyage 
of  Cook.  The  king's  idea  was  to  explore  the  places 
that  Cook  did  not  see ;  but  under  the  stress  of  Cook's 
example  La  Perouse  managed  to  almost  duplicate 
the  Englishman's  courses,  and  to  entirely  repeat  his 
blunders. 

After  leaving  Alaska  he  coasted  southward,  sus- 
pecting that  Queen  Charlotte's  Island  was  separated 
from  the  continent,  and  passed  Nootka  Sound  with- 


304  THE    GROWTH    OF 

out  entering.  He  appears  to  have  been  too  far  at  sea 
to  notice  the  entrance  of  the  straits  just  south,  or  to 
have  seen  the  indications  of  the  Columbia  River.  It 
was  also  summer  time,  being  in  August,  as  the  same 
month  with  its  mild  winds  from  the  northwest  had 
served  Heceta,  and  July  had  offered  its  brightest 
days  for  Meares,  the  Englishman,  Nevertheless  the 
mountainous  coast,  if  seen  at  all  at  the  distance,  with 
such  points  as  St.  Helens  and  Hood,  or  Ranier,  jut- 
ting up  from  the  waves  giving  the  idea  of  ruggedness 
and  danger  that  the  immediate  shores,  although  rock- 
bound  to  a  great  extent,  did  not  really  offer,  deterred 
the  navigator  from  approaching,  and  he  continued 
down  to  Monterey.  In  this,  as  in  every  one  of  the 
royal  expeditions,  we  find  the  sailors  almost  culpa- 
bly dependent  upon  precedent,  and  greatly  oppressed 
with  fear  of  a  coast  not  charted.  At  Monterey  exact 
calculations  and  descriptions  of  a  port  never  to  be 
French  were  completed,  and  then  La  Perouse  quitted 
the  coast,  as  it  proved,  forever. 

Sailing  across  to  Asia  he  made  some  interesting 
discoveries  among  the  Japan  Islands,  and  visited  the 
Russians.  At  Kamchatka  he  was  well  received  by 
the  people  with  whom  the  French  to  the  present  day 
seem  to  have  an  affinity,  and  there  De  Lesseps,  a  sci- 
entific member  of  the  party,  was  given  permission 
and  proper  conveyance  across  Siberia  to  Europe. 
He  carried  with  him  the  records  of  the  voyage  thus 
far,  and  it  was  fortunate  that  these  valuable  docu- 
ments were  thus  transmitted.    La  Perouse  himself, 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  305 

with  the  two  ships,  sailed  for  the  South  Sea,  meet- 
ing first  with  a  massacre  upon  an  island  of  part  of 
the  crew  of  the  ' '  Astrolabe, ' '  after  which  they  enter- 
ed Botany  Bay,  Australia;  but  after  leaving  this  port 
neither  vessel  was  heard  of.  Not  until  1825,  almost 
forty  years,  was  any  trace  found.  Then  wreckage 
on  the  island  of  Vanikoro  was  seen  by  one  Dillon, 
which  Dmnont  d  'Urville  believed  to  be  the  relics  of 
the  ships  of  La  Perouse.  Thus  a  melancholy  interest 
attaches  to  the  voyage  of  the  Frenchman,  for  whom 
we  also  feel  a  patriotic,  or  grateful  regard.  Still  we 
must  class  him  with  all  the  other  Europeans,  Aguilar, 
Heceta,  Meares,  Cook,  Krusenstern  and  Besaroff, 
whom  the  Columbia  River  terrorized  by  its  formid- 
able appearance,  or  whom  our  snow-capped  moun- 
tains overawed  by  the  indication  of  hidden  dangers, 
and  waved  away.  We  can  almost  think  that  there 
was  a  secret  sjrmpathy  between  this  rugged  coast  and 
the  character  of  freemen,  and  that  only  when  the 
real  king  came— the  one  who  refused  a  crown  in  order 
to  be  a  man— did  the  Columbia,  and  its  guardian 
mountains  extend  a  welcome. 


[Vol.  1] 


CHAPTER  XII 
First  Movements  Westward  by  Land 


IN  the  preceding  chapters  we  have  traced  the 
efforts  of  various  European  countries  to  dis- 
cover the  ''  back  parts  of  North  America  " 
from  the  sea,  and  have  seen  that  Spain,  Eng- 
land, Russia,  and  to  some  extent  even  the 
Dutch  and  the  French,  had  sailed  along  these  coasts, 
and  had  obtained  considerable  vague  information 
mixed  with  much  that  was  unwarranted  inferences. 
We  have  seen  that  from  these  efforts  quite  a  con- 
siderable fimd  of  interest  had  accumulated  in  Eu- 
rope, and  had  touched  the  thought  and  imagination, 
and  had  influenced  the  literature  of  the  foremost  na- 
tions. America  had  even  before  the  existence  of 
the  American  Union  acted  as  a  great  emancipator, 
and  a  stimulant  to  Europe.  Not  only  had  her  stores 
of  gold  and  silver  relieved  the  pecuniary  impoverish- 
ment of  the  world,  and  made  industry  once  more 
possible,  and  had  made  predatory  wars  less  fre- 
quent, but  the  very  thought  that  there  was  a  new 
world,  where  conditions  had  not  hardened  into  cus- 
toms ''  heavy  as  frost,"  and  where  man  might  be- 
gin once  more  without  the  burden  of  useless  or  op- 
pressive laws,  led  the  great  mass,  who  never  could 
come  to  America,  still  to  follow  the  adventures  of 
those  who  did,  and  become  Gullivers  or  Crusoes  in 
imagination.  Oregon,  although  passively,  kept  this 
possibility  long  open  to  the  European  mind. 

But  in  order  now  to  complete  the  chain  of  influ- 
ences that  led  civilized  men  step  by  step  towards  Ore- 
gon, we  must  again  return,  and  see  what,  if  any- 


310  THE    GROWTH    OF 

thing,  was  being  done  on  the  land  while  the  sailors 
were  buffeting  the  northwest  winds  on  their  course 
towards  the  river,  or  the  straits,  whose  premonition 
was  felt  long  before  their  actual  discovery.  As  we 
should  naturally  expect  there  were  floating  rumors 
of  even  the  river,  and  of  natives  who  had  traveled 
by  this  stream  to  the  Pacific.  To  the  French,  who 
explored  the  upper  valley  of  the  Mississippi  first,  we 
are  indebted  for  the  publication  of  these  reports. 

The  French  missionaries  were  great  travelers,  and 
cultivated  terms  of  close  friendship  with  the  Indians. 
The  priests  became  the  friends  and  confessors  of  the 
Indian  chiefs,  and  many  of  the  French  soldiers  com- 
pleted their  alliances  by  marrying  the  chiefs '  daugh- 
ters, and  prior  to  the  French  and  Indian  "War  France 
held  the  interior  of  North  America.  The  St.  Law 
rence,  and  the  basin  of  the  Great  Lakes,  and  the  val- 
ley of  the  Mississippi,  and  as  much  westward  as  they 
chose,  were  their  undisputed  possessions. 

Following  the  discoveries  of  La  Salle,  Marquette 
and  Joliet,  and  other  French  missionaries  or  traders, 
were  travelers  who  published  accounts  of  the  cen- 
tral valleys  of  America.  Among  these  were  Henne- 
pin, La  Hontin,  and  Charlevoix.  The  tribes  and  cus- 
toms of  the  natives  of  the  Missouri  became  well 
known.  There  are  indications  that  the  Pacific  Coast 
Indians,  such  as  the  Flat  Heads,  Nez  Perces,  and 
Oayuses,  were  not  originally  in  the  habit  of  crossing 
the  mountains  to  the  buffalo  country,  as  they  did 
later  after  acquiring  horses ;  or  at  least  not  so  freely. 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  311 

But  it  would  be  hardly  possible  that  the  roaming 
Indians  of  the  Missouri  Valley  should  not  come  in 
contact  with  natives  of  the  upper  Columbia  Basin, 
and  that  these  should  not  in  turn  tell  them  something 
of  the  rivers  and  routes  of  the  lower  Columbia,  as 
they  knew  them  from  the  coast  tribes,  or  perhaps  by 
actual  travel. 

We  find  indeed  such  traditions  afloat  among  the 
Indians  and  collected  by  French  writers.  To  quote 
one  such  account  as  condensed  by  Greenhow : 

*'  The  most  distinct  and  apparently  authentic  of 
these  Indian  accounts  of  great  rivers  flowing  from 
the  central  parts  of  North  America  to  the  Pacific,  is 
that  recorded  by  the  French  traveler  Lepage  Du- 
pratz,  as  received  from  a  native  of  the  Yazoo  coun- 
try, named  Moncachtabe.  The  amount  of  the  state- 
ment is— that  the  Indian  ascended  the  Missouri 
northwestward  to  its  source,  beyond  which  he  found 
another  great  river,  running  towards  the  setting  sun. 
This  latter  he  descended  to  a  considerable  distance, 
though  not  to  its  termination,  which  he  was  pre- 
vented from  reaching  by  wars  among  the  tribes  in- 
habiting the  country  on  its  banks ;  though  he  learned 
from  a  woman  who  had  been  made  prisoner  by  the 
tribe  with  which  he  took  part,  that  the  river  entered 
a  great  water,  where  ships  had  been  seen,  navigated 
by  white  men  with  beards.  All  this  he  related  with 
many  accompanying  circumstances,  tending  to  con- 
firm the  probability  of  the  narrative ;  and  there  is, ' ' 
adds  the  historian  naively,  ^'  nothing  about  it  which 


312 THE    GROWTH    OP 

should  induce  us  to  reject  it  as  false,  except  the  parts 
respecting  the  ships  and  white  men,  which  may  have 
been  an  embellishment  by  Moncachtabe.  The  course 
of  the  supposed  stream  is  laid  down  on  several  maps 
of  North  iimerica,  published  about  1750,  in  which  it 
is  called  The  Great  River  of  the  West. ' ' 

That  part  of  the  Indian's  story  which  Greenhow 
considers  an  embellishment,  that  upon  the  great 
water  were  seen  ships  navigated  by  bearded  white 
men,  is  perhaps  the  most  likely  to  be  authentic.  In 
view  of  the  accounts  still  preserved  among  the  Clat- 
sop Indians  of  wrecks  on  the  shore,  and  particularly 
of  Konapee,  who  may  have  been  cast  upon  Clatsop 
beach  as  early  as  1725,  there  is  not  only  no  improba- 
bility about  stories  of  ships  and  white  men  in  the 
Pacific,  but  that  is  the  very  circumstance  which  would 
be  most  impressive,  and  whose  report  would  be  sure 
to  be  carried  farthest.  We  may  therefore  conclude 
on  the  authority  of  a  very  careful  historian,  that 
Moncachtabe 's  account  was  authentic ;  subsequent  in- 
formation, not  known  to  Greenhow,  eliminating 
whatever  element  of  fiction  he  suspected  in  it. 

Of  much  more  important  results,  though  perhaps 
less  honest  than  the  Indian  stories,  was  the  publica- 
tion of  an  American,  born  and  living  during  Colonial 
times,  in  Connecticut.  This  was  Jonathan  Carver, 
one  of  those  restless  enterprising  characters,  in 
which  New  England  has  abounded,  and  who  became 
a  soldier  in  the  French  and  Indian  war.  He  is  said 
to  have  served  with  some  credit,  especially  about 


CARVER'S  MAP,  1778 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  313 

lakes  Cliamplain  and  George.  Soon  after  the  war 
was  over,  in  1766,  he  set  out  west,  with  the  intention 
of  studying  Indian  tribes  and  customs,  and  of  cross- 
ing the  American  continent,  to  ascertain  its  width. 
This  would  seem  to  have  been  entirely  a  conception 
of  his  own,  though  he  was  aware  that  much  benefit 
might  result  to  the  English.  His  idea  would  seem 
to  have  been  that  if  he  should  find  the  route  across 
the  continent,  a  military  establishment  would  be 
placed  on  the  Pacific  side  by  the  English;  and  no 
doubt  he  might  himself  be  given  the  command.  He 
seems  to  have  been  the  spiritual  progenitor  of  such 
geographical  agitators  as  Hall  J.  Kelley,  or  John 
Ledyard. 

He  states  his  object,  in  the  introduction  to  his  nar- 
rative, as  follows :  ' '  After  gaining  a  knowledge  of 
the  manners,  customs,  languages,  soil  and  natural 
productions  of  the  different  nations  that  inhabit  the 
back  of  the  Mississippi,  to  ascertain  the  breadth  of 
the  vast  continent  which  extends  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  in  its  broadest  part,  between 
the  43d  and  46th  degrees  of  north  latitude.  .  .  . 
Had  I  been  able  to  accomplish  this  I  intended  to  have 
proposed  to  the  government  to  establish  a  post  in 
some  of  those  parts,  about  the  Strait  of  Anian,  which, 
having  been  discovered  by  Sir  Francis  Drake,  of 
course  belongs  to  the  English.  This,  I  am  convinced, 
would  greatly  facilitate  the  discovery  of  a  northwest 
passage,  or  communication  between  Hudson's  Bay 
and  the  Pacific  Ocean. ' ' 


314  THE    GROWTH    OF 

He  went  west  by  the  way  of  the  great  lakes  to 
Mackinaw  and  thence  into  Wisconsin,  and  intended 
to  carry  a  stock  of  goods  and  pursue  his  way  by 
peaceful  trade  with  the  natives.  But  in  this  Yankee 
bit  of  enterprise  he  was  disappointed,  not  being  able 
to  obtain  his  goods,  and  remained  some  two  years 
among  Indians  whom  he  calls  Naudowessies,  Assin- 
ipoils,  and  Killistinoes.  It  has  been  disputed  that  he 
actually  spent  his  time  with  them  in  the  regions 
claimed  by  him,  as  the  Naudowessies  must  have  been 
the  Dakotas.  But  how  he  obtained  the  name  Assini- 
boine— Assinipoil — is  not  explained.  He  claims  that 
he  here  learned  of  a  great  river  flowing  into  the  Pa- 
cific Ocean,  which  he  calls  the  Oregon,  or  Origan, 
or  river  of  the  West.  He  is  quoted  as  saying: 
''  From  these  nations  and  my  own  observations,  I 
have  learned  that  the  four  most  capital  rivers  on  the 
continent  of  North  America,  viz.,  the  St.  Lawrence, 
the  Mississippi,  the  River  Bourbon— Red  River  of 
the  North  and  the  Oregon  (as  I  hinted  in  my  intro- 
duction)—have  their  sources  in  the  same  neighbor- 
hood. The  waters  of  the  three  former  are  within 
thirty  miles  of  each  other;  the  latter,  however,  is 
rather  farther  west.  This  shows  that  these  parts  are 
highest  in  North  America ;  and  it  is  an  instance  not 
to  be  paralleled  in  the  other  three  quarters  of  the 
world,  that  four  rivers  of  such  magnitude  should 
take  their  rise  together,  and  each,  after  running  a 
separate  course,  discharge  their  waters  into  different 
oceans,  at  the  distance  of  two  thousand  miles  from 


AN   AMEKICAN    STATE  315 

their  sources ;  for  in  their  passage  from  this  spot  to 
the  bay  of  St.  Lawrence  on  the  east,  to  the  bay  of 
Mexico  south,  to  Hudson's  Bay  north,  and  to  the 
Straits  of  Anian  west,  each  of  these  traverses  up- 
wards of  two  thousand  miles. ' ' 

This  elevated  part  is  described  by  Carver  as  near 
the  ''  Shining  Mountains,"  which  begin  at  Mexico, 
and  continuing  northward  on  the  back,  or  east  of 
California,  separate  the  waters  of  those  numerous 
rivers  that  fall  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  or  the  Gulf  of 
California.  From  thence,  continuing  their  course 
still  northward,  between  the  sources  of  the  Missis- 
sippi and  the  rivers  that  run  into  the  South  Sea,  these 
mountains  appear  to  end  in  about  47  or  48  degrees 
of  north  latitude,  where  a  number  of  rivers  arise,  and 
empty  themselves  either  into  the  South  Sea,  into 
Hudson's  Bay,  or  into  the  waters  that  communicate 
between  these  two  seas. 

In  his  introduction  Carver  speaks  of  ''  the  situa- 
tion of  the  four  great  rivers  that  take  their  rise 
within  a  few  leagues  of  each  other,  nearly  about  the 
center  of  the  great  continent;  viz.,  the  River  Bour- 
bon, which  empties  itself  into  Hudson's  Bay,  the 
waters  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
Oregon,  or  River  of  the  West,  that  falls  into  the  Pa- 
cific, at  the  Straits  of  Anian. ' ' 

Another  quotation  is  made  from  the  conclusion  of 
his  work,  in  which  he  alludes  to  his  purpose  to  cross 
the  American  continent  and  proceed  up  ' '  the  River 
St.  Peter,  and  from  thence  up  a  branch  of  the  River 


316  THE    GROWTH   OF 

Mesorie,  till,  having  discovered  the  source  of  the 
Oregon,  or  River  of  the  West,  on  the  other  side  of 
the  summit  of  the  lands  that  divide  the  waters  which 
fall  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  from  those  that  fall  into 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  they  would  have  sailed  down  that 
river  to  the  place  where  it  is  said  to  empty  itself, 
near  the  Strait  of  Anian. ' ' 

After  finding  himself  unable,  on  his  own  account, 
to  pursue  the  discoveries  that  he  planned,  Carver 
returned,  and  went  to  London,  He  attempted  to  in- 
terest the  English  Government  in  exploration,  and 
finally,  at  the  instance  of  friends,  wrote  his  book  to 
relieve  his  wants.  The  book  is  thus  described: 
''  Travels  Throughout  the  Interior  Parts  of  North 
America— 1766-8,  by  Jonathan  Carver,  London, 
1778. ' '  It  consists  of  an  introduction,  showing  what 
the  author  had  done,  and  wished  to  do;  a  journal  of 
his  travels,  with  descriptions  of  the  countries  visited  •, 
and  an  ' '  account  of  the  origin,  habits,  religion  and 
languages  of  the  Indians  about  the  upper  Missis- 
sippi. ' ' 

By  Greenhow,  Carver's  work,  or  rather  its  hon- 
esty, is  severely  criticised,  and  he  states  that  the 
latter  part,  occupying  two-thirds  of  the  vol- 
ume, is  extracted  almost  entirely  from  the  French 
journals  and  histories.  It  is  deemed,  therefore,  that 
Carver  added  little  or  nothing  to  what  had  already 
been  made  known  by  the  French,  if  indeed  he  did  not 
owe  to  them  the  greater  part  of  his  ideas.  This  is 
probably  too  severe,  and  it  must  be  remembered  that 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  317 

Carver  was  in  very  poor  circumstances,  and  felt  un- 
der the  necessity  of  making  a  readable  book,  of  suf- 
ficient size  to  command  a  reasonable  price;  being 
advised  to  do  so  by  friends,  or  patrons,  who  were 
probably  becoming  weary  of  pro^ading  for  him.  Un- 
der such  circumstances  he  would  depend  on  any 
source  of  information  to  fill  up  his  book,  and  make 
it  seem  important.  He  did  at  least  bring  to  the  Brit- 
ish public  some  ideas  not  yet  understood,  and  must 
be  credited  with  extending  knowledge  of  Oregon, 
whatever  the  sources  of  his  information.  He  lived, 
also,  in  the  troubled  times  of  the  Revolutionary  War, 
when  plagiarism  from  the  French  would  be  of  little 
harm  in  English  eyes,  and  when  an  American  would 
be  obliged  to  make  concessions  to  English  opinion 
in  order  to  meet  with  success  in  London.  He  died 
at  that  capital,  in  1780,  in  poverty. 

The  most  interesting  question  seems  to  be  how 
he  became  possessed  of  the  name  Oregon,  which  was 
given  by  him  to  the  River  of  the  West.  If  the  name 
were  of  Pacific  Coast  origin,  this  would  itself  indi- 
cate that  he  had  received  some  accurate  information 
from  some  source  of  the  river.  All  attempts,  how- 
ever, to  give  what  is  now  the  name  of  our  State,  any 
Pacific  Coast  origin,  seem  to  be  without  foundation. 
Many  conjectures  have  been  made.  It  has  been  iden- 
tified with  the  Spanish  word  for  Sweet  Marjoram, 
but  not  to  precede  the  use  of  the  word  by  Carver. 
Also  by  some  Spanish  writers  it  seems  to  have  been 
referred  to  the  Spanish  words  for  Big  Ears,  from  the 


318  THE    GROWTH    OF 

custom  said  to  have  been  seen  among  the  Indians 
here  of  wearing  shells  in  the  ears.  The  Indian  word 
for  Ourigan,  from  which  the  Spanish  derived  hurri- 
cane, has  also  been  suggested. 

The  conjecture  of  Greenhow  is  that  Carver  simply- 
invented  the  word,  in  order  to  make  some  sort  of 
positive  addition  to  the  knowledge  of  the  French 
map-makers.  This  may  have  been  the  fact;  or  he 
may  have  used,  or  transposed,  some  Indian  word 
that  he  heard.  Nothing  is  more  common,  or  amus- 
ing, than  the  variations  found  in  the  journals  of 
travelers  of  Indian  names.  Lewis  and  Clark  call  the 
word  which  must  evidently  have  been  Tumtum, 
Tims ;  Samuel  Parker  spells  the  Indian  word  Kloshe, 
Tois ;  and  Franchere  makes  of  the  plain  name  Ram- 
say, Li  Mansee  (L'Mansee).  Carver  seems  to  have 
been  a  man  of  certain  general  broad  ideas,  and  fond 
of  drawing  broad  conclusions ;  but  very  inaccurate 
both  in  conception  and  statement,  as  when  he  refers 
to  the  Straits  of  Anian  being  discovered  by  Drake. 
How  he  came  by  the  word  * '  Mesorie  ' '  does  not  seem 
explained,  or  of  '^  Assinipoils. "  If,  however,  the 
story  of  the  Indians,  of  which  that  of  Moncachtabe 
is  deemed  authentic,  are  allowed  as  having  a  basis  in 
fact,  it  would  not  be  out  of  Carver's  reach  to  get  a 
name  that  had  been  brought  by  Indians  across  the 
continent ;  and  if  this  were  probable,  no  name  would 
be  more  likely  to  pass  than  that  of  the  white  man 
Konapee;  and  one  might  imagine  that,  with  certain 
other  syllables,  this  became  the  foundation  of  the 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  319 

name.  Though  this  is  mere  conjecture,  and  there 
seems  little  use  to  look  for  an  analogy  in  the  loose 
pages  of  the  Connecticut  traveler,  it  is  pleasanter 
to  think  of  the  name,  like  that  of  the  unexplained 
term  California,  as  having  no  other  significance  than 
what  it  has  derived  from  actual  history,  and  what 
it  shall  mean  in  the  future.  Like  the  Straits  of  Fuca, 
or  even  the  fine  name  America,  it  may  have  had  a 
very  trivial  or  fictitious  character  in  its  beginning, 
but  has  already  obtained  significance  from  what  it 
now  stands  for. 

Yet  we  cannot  but  consider  Jonathan  Carver  as  a 
very  respectable  and  useful  figure  in  the  course  of 
civilization  westward,  and  must  thank  him,  if  he  in- 
vented our  name,  for  having  composed  a  fine  and 
musical  word. 

But  shortly  after  Carver's  travels  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Fur  Company,  which  had  been  sitting  very 
quietly  at  the  mouth  of  the  bay,  began  to  suffer  un- 
der the  criticisms  that  they  were  making  no  proper 
examinations  of  the  territory  over  which  they  had 
been  given  control,  and  that  they  felt  no  interest  in 
prosecuting  discoveries,  and  roused  itself  sufficiently 
to  start  Samuel  Hearne  upon  a  series  of  valuable  dis- 
coveries west  of  Hudson's  Bay.  The  company  seems 
to  have  had  no  confidence  in  any  passage  across 
America,  but  was  willing  to  disprove  the  popular  be- 
lief. 

Between  1769  and  1772  Hearne  made  three  expe- 
ditions from  Fort  Prince  of  Wales,  and  though  very 


320  THE    GROWTH   OF 

correctly  described  by  Bancroft  as  pursuing  ''  his 
grumbling  way, ' '  succeeded  at  last  in  completing  his 
task,  and  making  positive  additions  to  geographical 
knowledge,  and  all  but  disposing  of  the  myth  of 
Anian  Straits.  He  discovered  the  Great  Slave  Lake, 
and  others  of  the  chain  of  fresh  waters  in  the  north, 
and  traced  the  Coppermine  River  to  tidewater,  in 
latitude  reckoned  by  him  as  high  as  72  degrees. 
Learning  that  the  continent  stretched  still  westward 
and  rose  into  high  mountains,  he  concluded  that  this 
sea  was  another  body  much  like  Hudson 's  Bay,  and 
that  there  was  no  connection  by  sea  between  the  two. 
He  considered  this  as  proving  that  there  was  no  con- 
nection between  the  Pacific  and  Hudson's  Bay.  His 
discovery  did  not  warrant  the  conclusion,  which  is, 
however,  essentially  correct ;  what  he  did  prove  was 
that  if  there  were  any  passage  it  must  be  to  the  west- 
ward of  the  mouth  of  the  Coppermine. 

About  the  same  time  that  Hearne  was  making  these 
explorations  for  the  Hudson's  Bay  Companj^  the 
Canadian  merchants  were  beginning  to  infringe  upon 
the  exclusive  rights  of  the  monopoly  in  the  country 
about  the  Great  Lakes,  and  to  the  westward.  This 
territory  was  not  clearly  within  the  grant  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company,  but  its  occupation  and  use 
by  any  other  was  greatly  to  the  impairment  of  their 
exclusive  advantages.  The  company  had  become 
very  inert,  and  after  a  great  scourge  of  the  smallpox, 
which  decimated  the  farther  tribes,  had  restricted  its 
operations  to  the  region  immediately  surrounding 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  321 

Hudson's  Bay,  and  on  the  St.  Lawrence.  After  tlie 
fall  of  Quebec,  therefore,  and  the  passage  of  Canada 
to  the  power  of  Great  Britain,  the  Canadians  began 
actively  to  despatch  parties  and  collect  furs  as  far 
west  as  the  Saskatchewan  and  Athabasca.  This  in- 
troduced a  new  and  much  more  energetic  element 
into  the  fur  trade,  which  was  destined  to  send  the 
British  influence  across  the  continent  and  all  but  se- 
cure the  empire  of  the  Pacific  to  the  British  crown. 
Individually  for  almost  ten  years,  each  on  his  own 
account,  the  fur  traders  of  Montreal  sent  their  par- 
ties west,  but  soon  found  that  they  could  not  cope 
alone  with  the  English  company,  which  had  its  chief 
factories  on  Hudson's  Bay.  The  only  alternative 
of  going  out  of  business  was  for  the  individual  mer- 
chants to  unite,  and  present  a  common  front  to  their 
common  enemy.  This  was  done  in  1784,  under  the 
name  of  the  Northwest  Company  of  Montreal.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  the  celebrated  Northwesters, 
who  in  reality,  though  under  another  name,  occupied 
the  Columbia  River  Valley,  and  furnished  Oregon 
some  of  her  best  and  most  active  men.  This  com- 
pany was  organized  upon  a  basis  of  mutual  interests, 
and  was  largely  co-operative  in  many  of  its  features. 
The  shares  of  stock  were  but  sixteen  in  number  at 
first,  but  were  successively  increased  to  twenty  and  to 
forty.  A  certain  portion  of  these  shares  were  held 
by  the  resident  capitalists  at  Montreal,  and  the  rest 
were  distributed  among  partners,  who  went  to  the 
fur  country  and  had  command  of  the  trading  posts. 

[Vol.  1] 


322  THE   GROWTH   OF 

It  was  thus  to  the  interest  of  each  partner  to  make 
the  business  as  profitable  as  possible.  Under  the 
partners  was  a  corps  of  clerks,  who  dealt  with  the 
Indians,  served  for  a  term  of  years,  and  had  the 
opportunity  of  rising  to  the  position  of  partner,  if 
the  business  prospered.  There  were  also  guides,  in- 
terpreters and  voyageurs,  who  were  under  a  disci- 
pline as  good  as  military. 

Being  ready  for  business  the  Northwest  Company 
was  prepared  to  take  the  initiative,  and  press  its 
competition  to  the  utmost  of  success,  even  if  that  led 
to  the  other  shore.  One  of  the  first  things  to  be  done 
was  to  determine  the  extent  of  the  country  claimed  as 
open  to  their  enterprise,  the  tributaries  of  which  did 
not  fiow  into  Hudson's  Bay,  but  into  the  Arctic 
Ocean,  or  the  Pacific.  The  man  selected  to  make 
these  examinations  was  one  of  the  most  resolute  and 
sagacious  among  the  promoters  of  industry,  Alexan- 
der MacKenzie,  a  partner  in  charge  at  Fort  Chipe- 
wayan,  the  western  outpost  of  the  company,  and  sit- 
uated on  the  southwest  side  of  Lake  Athabasca.  Par- 
ties from  this  post  had  already  penetrated  west  as 
far  as  the  Eocky  Mountains,  but  were  unable  to  cross 
the  divide.  Greenhow  quotes  an  interesting  docu- 
ment from  the  collection  of  the  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Society,  of  a  party  of  about  one  hundred  mak- 
ing this  excursion.  The  tribes  through  which  they 
passed  were  ''  the  Muskego,  Shipewayan,  Cithnis- 
tinee,  Great-Belly,  Beaver,  Blood,  Blackfeet,  Snake, 
Ossnobian,  Shiveyton,  Mandon,  Paunee,  and  several 


ALEXANDER   MACJvENZIE 

Reprodncod  from  \\  insor's  "  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America," 
Houghton,   Mifflin  &   Co.,   Publishers. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  323 

others."  In  pursuing  the  route  no  difficulty  was 
found  in  finding  guides,  until  they  reached  the  Shin- 
ing Mountains,  or  Mountains  of  Bright  Stones ;  but 
here  they  found  hostiles,  and  could  not  proceed.  The 
above  is  interesting  as  showing  the  genesis  of  the 
name  Eocky  Mountains.  From  the  term  shining 
mountains,  as  distinguished  from  timbered  ranges, 
the  name  of  bright  stones  arose,  and  for  some  time 
the  term  Stony  Mountains  was  employed;  and  from 
this,  the  Americans  always  choosing  the  name  indi- 
cating large  rather  than  small  sizes,  arose  the  more 
imposing  name  of  Kocky  Mountains. 

MacKenzie's  first  expedition  was  made  in  1789, 
and  led  down  the  river  toward  the  north  to  Great 
Slave  Lake,  which  Hearne  had  seen,  and  from  that 
down  the  outlet,  which  MacKenzie  discovered  and 
gave  to  it  his  own  name ;  and  down  that  great  stream 
to  its  mouth  upon  the  Arctic.  The  journey  was  made 
in  bark  canoes,  and  consumed  three  months,  from 
June  until  September.  He  thus  advanced  knowledge 
of  the  Arctic  Coast  about  five  hundred  miles  west, 
and  reached  the  conclusion  that  if  there  were  any 
strait,  or  passage  leading  from  Hudson 's  Bay  to  the 
Pacific  it  must  be  west  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mac- 
Kenzie. 

His  great  and  most  far-reaching  labor  was  to  ex- 
plore the  breadth  of  the  continent,  going  west.  If 
he  should  come  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  without  crossing 
any  straits  that  would  prove  conclusively  that  none 
existed  south  of  the  track  of  his  journey.    One  is  al- 


324  THE    GROWTH   OF 

most  startled  by  the  title  of  his  narrative,  ''  A  Voy- 
age across  North  America  ";  naturally  supposing 
that  the  hypothesis  of  a  strait  had  proven  well- 
grounded,  and  that  he  went  in  a  ship.  But  the  ' '  voy- 
age "  was  accomplished  in  birch-bark  canoes,  and 
often  up  or  down  the  most  violent  streams.  But 
MacKenzie  was  an  intrepid  traveler,  and  was  always 
attended  by  good  fortune.  His  account  is  well  writ- 
ten and  exceedingly  interesting,  and  carries  the  sym- 
pathy of  the  reader  like  a  romance. 

He  started  in  the  autumn  of  1792,  and  wintered 
near  the  foothills  of  the  Rockies.  The  next  season 
he  continued  his  journey,  proceeding  up  Peace  River, 
and  crossed  the  divide  to  the  waters  of  the  leaser, 
which,  however,  he  supposed  was  the  Columbia  until 
1812 ;  and  went  by  the  name  Tacoutchee  Tesse.  In 
July  he  emerged  upon  the  Pacific,  and  then  returned 
to  Fort  Chippewayan  the  same  season.  He  saw  the 
Pacific  in  latitude  52  degrees  20  minutes,  and  thought 
it  well  proved  that  there  was  no  passage  across  North 
America  short  of  Bering's  Straits.  Certainly  he 
must  ever  have  the  credit  of  advancing  geographical 
knowledge  in  North  America  over  a  wider  area  than 
perhaps  any  one  single  person.  His  recommenda- 
tions in  regard  to  the  fur  trade  were  also  so  well  con- 
ceived that  they  carried  weight  among  all  the  per- 
sons addressed,  and  as  said  by  the  American  his- 
torian "  the  result  has  been  the  extension  of  British 
commerce  and  dominion  throughout  the  whole  north- 
ern section  of  America." 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  325 

Euglaud  looked  with  great  satisfaction  upon  these 
enterprises  of  the  intrepid  Northwesters,  and  al- 
though, as  we  shall  learn  elsewhere,  the  two  British 
companies  came  into  open  collision  nothing  was  done 
at  first,  nor  for  some  years,  to  check  the  quarrel.  A 
conflict,  even  amounting  to  bloody  battles,  only  led 
to  the  more  thorough  occupation  of  the  country  by 
British  subjects.  Upon  this  England  relied  unhesi- 
tatingly to  secure  the  occupation  and  commercial 
uses  of  the  unclaimed  portion  of  North  America,  and 
looked  upon  her  full  sovereignty  over  the  territory 
by  the  Pacific  as  merely  a  question  of  time,  and  an- 
ticipated the  same  course  of  events  that  has  made 
India,  Australasia,  and  South  Africa  a  part  of  her 
empire. 


CHAPTER  Xm 
Final  Step  in  British  Discovery 


THE  history  has  now  reached  one  of  those 
intricate  periods  when  the  threads 
have  become  interwoven,  and  to  some 
extent  tangled.  It  will  be  advisable  to 
devote  this  chapter  principally  to  the 
final  discoveries  of  the  British,  which  were  very  com- 
plete, and  to  their  mind  made  a  perfect  claim  to  any 
occupation  and  settlement  that  the  subjects  of  the 
British  sovereign  might  choose  to  undertake. 

In  order  that  we  may  understand  the  reasons  why 
this  expedition  was  sent,  and  see  the  bearing  of  the 
allusions  constantly  made  it  will  be  useful  to  preface 
this  chapter  with  a  very  short  statement  of  the  op- 
erations of  the  Spanish  and  of  some  American  ships 
on  the  coast.  The  operations  and  discoveries  of  the 
Americans  will  be  followed  in  detail  in  the  second 
volume.  This  chapter  will  follow  the  course  of  Eng- 
lish discovery  up  to  the  close  of  1793,  or  practically 
to  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  It  will  show 
the  English  Government  to  have  acted  with  energy, 
and  her  subjects  to  have  performed  instructions  with 
marked  ability  and  success,  and  that  the  dominion  of 
the  Pacific,  contended  for  from  the  days  of  Queen 
Elizabeth  and  her  bold  knight  Drake,  was  now  clear- 
ly within  her  reach. 

As  indicated  in  the  chapter  describing  the  voyage 
of  Cook  and  the  trading  expeditions  of  Meares  and 
other  Englishmen,  the  profits  to  be  derived  from  the 
fur  trade  on  the  northwest  coast,  led  a  number  of 
English  ships,  and  also  some  Americans— as  will  be 


330  THE    GROWTH   OF 

shown  in  detail— to  trade  from  Nootka  Sound  to 
China.  Meares  was  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  of 
the  English,  although  he  sailed  under  the  Portu- 
guese flag.  He  made  a  small  establishment  at  Nootka, 
and  even  afterwards  claimed  this  for  English  terri- 
tory on  the  strength  of  his  purchase  from  Maquinna, 
the  Indian  chief.  On  the  Spanish  theory,  not  yet 
discarded,  any  settlement  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific 
by  a  foreigner  was  an  act  of  offense,  and  any  vessel 
sailing  on  other  than  Spanish  permission,  might  be 
seized  for  piracy.  In  1788  Esteven  Martinez  and 
Gonzalo  Haro  were  sent  as  far  north  as  Alaska  pen- 
insula to  look  after  the  Russians.  The  next  year  they 
were  sent  to  Nootka  to  assert  the  Spanish  sovereignty 
and  to  seize  any  Russian  or  English  ships  found  there. 
Martinez  arrested  the  captain,  Viana,  and  Douglas, 
supercargo,  of  the  English  ship  "  Iphigenia,"  im- 
der  Portuguese  colors.  The  ''  Washington  "  and 
''  Columbia,"  American  craft,  arriving  later,  were 
not  disturbed.  Later  in  the  season  the  British  vessel 
**  Argonaut,"  under  Colnett,  was  also  seized,  and 
Colnett  was  sent  to  Mexico,  being  treated,  besides, 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  bring  on  delirium,  or  an  at- 
tack of  insanity,  to  which  he  was  said  to  be  subject. 
The  **  Princess  Royal  "  and  the  schooner  "  North- 
west America  "  were  also  seized  and  their  officers 
made  prisoners.  One  exasperating  feature  of  the  ar- 
rests was  that  the  officers  were  at  first  treated  by 
Martinez  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  the  supplies  nec- 
essary furnished,  and  upon  being  invited  aboard  the 


^m 


QUEEN    ELIZABETH 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  331 

Spanish  vessels,  were  declared  prisoners,  and  their 
vessels  prizes.  The  schooner  was  actually  taken  and 
employed  two  years  by  a  Spanish  crew  and  officers. 

When,  in  1790,  these  events  became  known  in  Eng- 
land great  excitement  prevailed,  and  immediate  prep- 
arations for  war  were  made.  Spain  also  seemed  for  a 
time  ready  to  fight  for  her  old  claims  in  the  Pacific ; 
but  after  some  months  of  parley  an  agreement  was 
reached  which  was  considered  advantageous  to  both 
countries.  This  was  the,  at  the  time  famous,  Nootka 
Convention— or  Convention  of  the  Escurial.  The  in- 
citing cause  of  this  agreement  was  the  rising  power 
of  France,  just  ready  to  set  at  defiance  all  the  tradi- 
tionary policies  of  Europe,  and  England  and  Spain, 
as  the  guardians  of  Prerogative,  could  not  afford  to 
stand  apart  on  the  eve  of  the  Napoleonic  wars,  clearly 
foreseen.  Those  momentous  European  events  had 
even  thus  early  begun  to  throw  their  shadow  across 
the  world  as  far  as  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  Oregon  no 
doubt  owes  much  of  its  present  political  relations  to 
the  fact  that  the  most  energetic  power  of  the  world 
did  not  find  it  opportune  to  make  an  excuse  of  the 
acts  of  bravado  of  Esteven  Martinez,  and  seize  the 
coast  of  North  America  from  Bering's  Straits  down 
to  the  Gulf  of  California,  and  thus  make  a  claim  for 
territory  taken  by  war  which  she  would  never  have 
willingly  given  up. 

By  this  convention  the  ships  seized  by  the  Spanish 
were  to  be  restored,  the  British  establishment  at 
Nootka  was  to  be  given  up,  and  the  right  of  the  Eng- 


332  THE    GROWTH   OF 

lisli  to  fish  and  trade  in  the  Pacific,  and  to  settle  in 
any  places  north  of  those  already  occupied  by  the 
Spanish,  was  recognized.  This  was  a  great  conces- 
sion to  the  English;  but  the  Spanish  also  reserved 
the  right  to  settle  on  unoccupied  territory,  and  the 
right  of  the  English  to  settle  on  certain  points  of 
South  America,  to  trade  with  Spanish  subjects,  or  to 
fish—as  they  were  then  promoting  whale  fishing  in 
the  Pacific —within  a  certain  distance  of  the  Spanish 
settlements,  was  also  denied. 

These  latter  restrictions  were  a  great  advantage  to 
Spain,  and  showed  perfectly  her  intentions  in  regard 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  its  shores.  She  wished  to  re- 
tain her  colonies  for  her  own  exclusive  trade  and 
benefit,  and  cared  little  provided  the  English  could 
be  kept  from  her  ports.  She  had  no  conception  of 
taking  an  unimproved  and  uninhabited  country  and 
settling  and  developing  it,  and  creating  a  business 
and  social  organization.  Nature,  with  all  its  re- 
sources, was  still  useless  to  the  Spaniard,  and  trans- 
cended his  powers  of  either  utility  or  enjoyment. 
But  as  by  the  provisions  of  this  agreement  the  Brit- 
ish should  not  fish  within  ten  leagues  of  places  al- 
ready occupied  further  complications  might  arise. 
The  north  limit  of  Spanish  occupation  was  not  fixed. 
As  a  result  new  activity  was  shown  by  the  Spanish 
Government  to  occupy  places  at  or  above  the  Straits 
of  Fuca.  Elisa,  succeeding  Martinez,  prepared  in 
1790  to  make  a  permanent  settlement  at  Nootka. 
Salvador  Fidalgo,  whose  name  is  commemorated  in 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  333 

the  island  in  the  Sound,  was  sent  north  to  look  after 
the  Russians.  A  lieutenant,  Quimper,  was  also  sent 
by  Elisa  to  explore  the  Straits  of  Fuca,  and  sailed  up 
about  100  miles,  seeing  the  strait  divide  and  separate 
into  numerous  channels  both  south  and  north,  with 
apparent  unbroken  stretches  eastward.  The  Canai 
de  Haro  still  bears  the  name  bestowed  by  the  Spanish 
navigator.  The  next  year  Alexandro  Malaspina 
sailed  into  Southern  Alaska,  for  the  Spanish  crown, 
himself  being  an  Italian.  The  same  year,  also, 
Etienne  ]\Iarchand,  a  Frenchman,  examined  the 
coast  from  latitude  56  degrees  as  far  south  as  the 
Straits  of  I'uca.  It  is  stated  also  that  by  this  time 
as  many  as  nine  English  and  seven  American  vessels 
were  trading  on  the  northwest  coast. 

All  these  events  and  conditions  made  it  imperative 
upon  the  British  Government  to  send  a  well  equipped 
expedition  to  the  northwest  coast,  and  follow  up  en- 
ergetically the  rights  acquired  by  the  understanding 
with  the  Spanish.  It  must  be  allowed  that  the  Eng- 
lish acted  with  vigor  and  discretion.  In  order  to  ful- 
fill the  first  article  of  the  agreement  a  representative 
from  Spain  and  England  were  to  meet  at  Nootka,  and 
decide  upon  what  buildings  and  grounds  were  to  be 
restored  to  the  English,  and  how  much  indemnifica- 
tion they  should  receive.  The  voyages  and  discov- 
eries of  the  Americans  were  also  a  subject  of  concern 
to  the  English.  Much  interest  was  aroused  again  by 
the  publication  of  a  pamphlet  by  Meares  on  "  The 
probable  existence  of  a  northwest  passage  "—the 


334  THE    GROWTH    OF 

discoveries  of  MacKenzie  not  having  yet  been  made. 
In  this  pamphlet  he  stated  that  the  x\merican  schoon- 
er '*  "Washington  "  sailed  through  the  Straits  of 
Fuca  and  into  a  sea  extending  through  eight  degrees 
of  latitude  to  the  north.  He  declares  that  this  was 
told  him  by  an  English  captain,  Neville,  who  had 
the  information  from  Kendrick,  who  commanded  the 
**  Washington."  He  concluded  therefore  that  the 
northwestern  part  of  North  America  was  composed 
of  islands,  or  was  one  vast  archipelago.  He  drew  a 
map  illustrating  his  idea,  showing  hypothetically  the 
islands  of  Vancouver  and  Queen  Charlotte 's,  and  the 
waters  eastward,  and  no  land,  or  a  congeries  of  is- 
lands eastward  and  northward.  These  conclusions 
were  ridiculed  by  Dixon,  another  English  trader  who 
had  been  on  the  northwest  coast;  but,  nevertheless, 
produced  so  profound  an  impression  in  London  that 
it  was  one  of  the  chief  objects  of  the  expedition  to 
ascertain  the  truth  of  these  reports. 

Captain  George  Vancouver  was  selected  to  com- 
mand the  expedition,  and  was  also  to  act  as  the  com- 
missioner of  England  at  Nootka.  A  more  capable  or 
faithful  commander  could  not  have  been  selected,  as 
he  was  not  only  a  careful  seaman,  but  was  a  man  of 
much  moderation,  and  wholly  devoted  to  the  pur- 
poses of  the  British  Government.  His  national  char- 
acteristics, indeed,  appear  with  almost  amusing  in- 
genuousness. He  could  not  act,  or  even  think,  or 
conceive  otherwise  than  in  the  British  interest.  His 
preconceptions  of  what  he  should  see  and  discover, 


WA-'^m^--^  fd-^^i-:M^y^y^^0^ 


CAPTxMN   GEORGE   VANCOUVER 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  335 

and  that  this  should  be  wholly  favorable  to  the  Eng- 
lish aspirations,  dominated  not  only  his  reports,  but 
even  his  observations.  He  looked  strictly  through 
English  eyes. 

His  reports,  however,  are  admirably  clear,  show 
perfectly  his  course  of  thought  as  well  as  his  routes 
from  day  to  day,  and  are  among  the  most  interesting 
of  the  works  of  travel.  A  somewhat  detailed  account 
will  now  be  given  of  his  discoveries  on  the  Oregon 
coast;  and  the  strong  personality  of  the  man,  and 
the  force  and  persistence  of  the  results  from  his  dis- 
coveries may  be  inferred  from  the  names  of  the  lead- 
ing landmarks  of  both  Washington  and  Oregon  be- 
stowed by  him,  or  his  lieutenant.  Mounts  Baker, 
Ranier,  St.  Helens,  and  Hood,  were  seen  and  named 
by  him;  and  Gray's  Bay  on  the  Columbia,  and  Bak- 
er's Bay,  just  within  Cape  Hancock,  are  among  the 
insignia  of  his  exploration.  Puget's  Sound,  itself. 
Hood's  Canal,  and  many  other  points  also  bear  his 
impress  on  the  map,  or  tongue ;  and  Puget  and  Men- 
zies  of  his  expedition,  have  quite  a  progeny  of  geo- 
graphical or  scientific  appellations  following  their 
steps  on  this  coast. 

Vancouver  was  instructed  to  examine  and  survey 
the  whole  shores  of  the  American  continent  on  the 
Pacific,  from  latitude  35  degrees  to  60  degrees ;  "  to 
ascertain  particularly  the  number,  situation,  and  ex- 
tent of  the  settlements  of  civilized  nations  within 
these  limits;  and  especially  to  acquire  information 
as  to  the  nature  and  direction  of  any  water  passage 


336      GROWTH    OF   AN   AMERICAN    STATE 

which  might  serve  as  a  channel  of  communication 
between  tliat  side  of  America  and  the  territories  on 
the  Atlantic  side  occupied  by  the  British  subjects." 
He  was  to  ''  examine  particularly  the  supposed 
Strait  of  Juan  de  Fuca,  said  to  be  situated  between 
the  48th  and  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude,  and  to 
lead  to  an  opening  through  which  the  sloop  ' '  Wash- 
ington is  said  to  have  sailed,  and  to  have  come  out 
again  to  the  northward  of  Nootka. ' ' 

Vancouver,  with  a  well  equipped  ship,  and  a  sci- 
entific and  literary  department,  sailed  from  England 
in  Januarv  of  1791.  The  name  of  his  vessel,  of  some 
four  hundred  tons,  was  the  ''  Discovery."  He  was 
accompanied  by  Lieutenant  Broughton,  in  the  brig 
'^  Chatham,"  which  was  much  smaller,  Broughton, 
partly  on  account  of  the  less  draught  of  his  craft,  and 
partly  on  account  of  his  address  and  capacity,  was 
often  detailed  to  the  more  adventurous  parts  of  the 
service.  A  supply  ship,  the  "  Daedalus,"  was  also 
despatched  somewhat  later,  direct  for  Nootka,  bear- 
ing instructions  for  procedure  at  that  port. 

After  a  prosperous  voyage  from  England  to  the 
Sandwich  Islands  they  were  ready  to  put  out  upon 
the  waters  of  the  Northern  Pacific,  and  reach  for  the 
shores  of  New  Albion.  This  was  the  17th  of  March, 
and  the  season  was  well  calculated  to  bring  them  with 
expedition  to  North  America,  as  the  south  winds  had 
not  yet  ceased  blowing  every  few  days,  nor  the  north- 
east winds  become  established.  On  April  7  it  is  re- 
corded that  the  weather  was  gloomy,  with  a  sn^ooth 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  337 

sea,  and  the  ship  was  in  latitude  35  degrees.  On  the 
tenth  the  south  wind  began  to  blow,  a  hazy  sky  por- 
tended a  storm,  but  this  provided  just  the  wind  need- 
ed, and  a  course  easterly  was  laid.  Within  a  few  days 
the  wind  rose  to  a  gale,  and  thick  rainy  weather  came 
on.  On  the  seventeenth  driftwood  was  seen,  and  later 
the  shores  of  the  continent  began  to  appear  over  the 
still  agitated  and  misty  waters.  This  "  was 
straight  and  unbroken,  and  of  a  moderate  height, 
with  mountainous  land  behind,  covered  with  stately 
forest  trees."  It  was  off  California,  in  latitude  39 
degrees.  The  weather  soon  cleared  and  all  the  next 
day  the  voyagers  were  delighted  with  examination 
over  a  sunny  sea  of  the  forested  heights  and  the  bald 
hills  overhanging  the  shore,  now  beautifully  green. 
On  the  nineteenth,  Cape  Mendocino  was  passed,  pic- 
turesquely described  as  formed  by  two  high  promon- 
tories, ten  miles  apart.  ' '  Off  the  cape  lie  some  rocky- 
islets  and  sunken  rocks."  This  was  the  stormy  cape 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  had  for  years  been  sighted 
with  both  hope  and  fear  by  the  scurvy  crews  from 
Manila.  The  reputation  of  the  place  was  sustained 
to  the  English  explorers,  a  gale  coming  on  soon  after 
passing,  bringing  about  midnight  torrents  of  rain, 
with  seas  so  high  that  a  part  of  the  ship's  head  rail- 
ing was  carried  away.  This  continued  several  days, 
until  on  the  twenty-fourth,  the  shores  of  Oregon  be- 
gan to  loom  to  view.  The  headland  seen  was  that 
named  by  Vancouver  Cape  Orford,  after  the  Eng- 
lish earl.    The  wind  was  favorable,  but  the  air  hazy ; 

[Vol.  1] 


338  THE   GROWTH   OF 

yet  some  natives  being  seen  approaching  time  was 
spent  to  receive  them  on  board.  They  came  out  in 
canoes  on  the  open  sea,  showing  that  they  were  a  race 
of  sailors.  They  were  described  as  of  a  pleasing  ap- 
pearance, entirely  friendly,  and  altogether  different 
from  the  Nootkans.  The  men  stood  about  five  and 
a  half  feet  tall  in  their  moccasins. 

The  same  hazy  weather  continued  up  the  coast,  but 
not  thick  enough  to  greatly  obscure  its  apjDearance, 
and  it  is  very  accurately  described  as  follows :  ' '  The 
face  of  the  country  is  much  checkered ;  in  some  places 
covered  with  a  flowing  verdure;  in  others  occupied 
with  barren  rocks  and  sand ;  but  in  some  very  thick- 
ly wooded."  This  checkered  appearance  is  still 
maintained,  and  shows  that  in  the  lapse  of  a  century 
just  about  the  same  conditions  of  alternating  bare 
and  forested  lands  have  prevailed. 

On  sunset  of  the  twenty-sixth— which  shows  that 
they  had  been  making  a  fair  rate  of  sailing,  and  cer- 
tainly could  not  have  stopped  much  to  examine  the 
small  bays  along  the  Oregon  coast,  they  brought  up 
in  sight  of  "  the  coast  which  had  been  seen  by  Mr. 
Meares."  As  this  stretch  was  that  in  which  the  en- 
trance to  a  great  river  had  been  reported  by  Heceta, 
and  denied  by  Meares,  great  care  and  very  close  ob- 
servation was  made,  and  it  becomes  of  -extreme  in- 
terest to  us  to  watch  the  steps  of  English  dominion; 
would  the  na\^gators  find  the  road  to  destiny,  or 
stumble?  We  therefore  quote  in  full  the  still  exact 
and  picturesque  account. 


vancouvf:r's  map,  1793 


AN   AMEEICAN    STATE  339 

*'  Sunset  brought  us  in  sight  of  the  coast  which 
had  been  seen  by  Mr.  Meares.  Its  northern  extrem- 
ity in  sight  bore  by  compass  N.  12  W.  Cape  Look- 
out *  N.  10.  E.  the  nearest  shore  N.  34.  E.  about  a 
league  distant.  This  being  a  remarkably  steep  bluf{ 
cliff,  flattered  us  for  some  time  with  an  appearance 
of  the  entrance  of  a  harbor ;  but  on  a  nearer  approach 
the  deception  was  found  to  have  been  occasioned  by 
the  lower  land  to  the  north  forming  a  very  shallow- 
open  bay.  The  southernmost  land  in  sight  bore  S.  S. 
E.  In  this  situation  we  had  fifty  fathoms  of  water, 
black  sandy  bottom. 

**  Friday,  April  27.  The  night,  which  was  tolerably 
fair,  was  spent  as  usual  in  preserving  our  station  un- 
til daybreak,  when  we  pursued  our  examination  along 
the  coast  with  a  favorable  breeze,  attended  with  some 
passing  showers.  Cape  Lookout  then  bore  by  com- 
pass east,  about  two  leagues  distant.  This  cape 
forms  only  a  small  projecting  point,  yet  it  is  remark- 
able for  the  four  rocks  that  lie  off  from  it,  one  of 
which  is  perforated,  as  described  by  Mr.  Meares. 

'^  From  Cape  Lookout,  which  is  situated  in  lat. 
45°,  32',  the  coast  takes  a  direction  about  north,  8  W. 
and  is  pleasingly  diversified  by  eminences  and  small 
hills  near  the  seashore;  in  which  are  some  shallow 
sandy  bays,  with  a  few  detached  rocks  lying  about 
a  mile  from  the  land.  The  more  inland  country  is 
considerably  elevated ;  the  mountains  stretch  toward 
the  sea,  and  at  a  distance  seemed  to  form  many  in- 

*Near  Tillamook  Bay. 


340  THE    GROWTH   OP 

lets  and  projecting  points;  but  the  sandy  beach,  that 
continued  along  the  coast  renders  it  a  compact  shore, 
now  and  then  interrupted  by  perpendicular  rocky 
cliffs,  on  which  the  surf  violently  breaks."  When 
one  recollects  that  on  a  very  favorable  day  the  dis- 
coverers passed,  as  they  said,  within  three  miles  of 
the  entrance  of  both  Tillamook  Bay,  and  Nehalem 
Bay,  without  seeing  them,  we  cannot  but  think  that 
in  spite  of  the  very  fine  and  accurate  descriptions  of 
the  outlines  of  the  coast,  their  examination  was  not 
very  thorough. 

The  narrative  continues :  ' '  This  mountainous  in- 
land country  extends  about  ten  leagues  to  the  North 
from  Cape  Lookout,  where  it  descends  suddenly  to 
a  moderate  height;  and  had  it  been  destitute  of  its 
timber,  which  seemed  of  considerable  magnitude, 
might  have  been  deemed  low  land."  The  mountain 
country  thus  described  is  that  from  Tillamook  Bay 
and  includes  the  bold  cliffs  of  Nekahni  Mountain, 
and  Tillamook  Head ;  and  where  the  highland  breaks 
down  is  just  north  of  the  latter  point,  and  where  the 
Clatsop  Plains  country  begins.  The  next  stretch  of 
sail  was  from  Tillamook  Head  north  to  Cape  Dis- 
appointment, and  covered  the  twenty  mile  stretch  of 
the  Clatsop  country,  and  the  entrance  of  the  Colum- 
bia. This  was  on  the  forepart  of  a  very  favorable 
day.    The  narrative  proceeds : 

"  Noon  brought  us  up  with  a  very  conspicuous 
point  of  land  composed  of  a  cluster  of  hummocks, 
moderately  high,  and  projecting  into  the  sea  from 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  341 

tlie  low  land  before  mentioned.  These  hummocks 
are  barren  and  steep  near  the  sea,  but  their  tops  thin- 
ly covered  with  wood.  On  the  south  side  of  this 
promontory  was  the  appearance  of  an  inlet,  or  small 
river,  the  land  behind  not  indicating  it  to  be  of  any 
great  extent ;  nor  did  it  seem  accessible  for  vessels  of 
our  burthen,  as  the  breakers  extended  from  the 
above  point  two  or  three  miles  into  the  ocean,  until 
they  joined  those  on  the  beach  nearly  four  leagues 
further  south. 

"  On  reference  to  Mr.  Meares'  description  of  the 
coast  south  of  this  I  was  first  induced  to  believe  it 
Cape  Shaoalwater;  but  on  ascertaining  its  latitude 
I  presumed  it  to  be  that  which  he  calls  cape  Disap- 
pointment, and  the  opening  south  of  it  Deception 
Bay.  This  cape  was  found  to  be  in  latitude  46°,  19', 
by  236°,  6'.  The  sea  had  now  changed  from  its  nat- 
ural to  river  coloured  water;  the  probable  conse- 
quence of  some  streams  falling  into  the  bay,  or  into 
the  ocean  north  of  it,  through  the  low  land.  Not 
considering  this  opening  worthy  of  more  attention,  I 
continued  our  pursuit  to  the  northwest,  being  de- 
sirous to  embrace  the  advantage  of  the  breeze  and 
pleasant  weather,  favorable  to  the  examination  of 
the  coast. ' ' 

Thus  ended  the  first  essay  of  the  expedition  to  find 
the  entrance  of  the  great  river.  It  seems  incredible 
that  being  in  a  situation  to  look  within,  this  opening 
should  have  been  passed  by  Vancouver  as  not  worthy 
of  further  examination.     The  color  of  the  water, 


342  THE    GROWTH   OF 

changing  that  of  the  ocean  at  a  distance  of  three 
miles  to  sea,  showed  such  a  volume  as  only  a  great 
river  could  discharge,  and  the  conclusion  that  it  was 
only  from  some  small  streams  in  the  bay  was  one  of 
much  ignorance.  However,  we  must  notice  that  there 
were  two  strong  prepossessions  on  the  mind  of  Van- 
couver. One  was  the  immense  scale  of  all  things  on 
the  coast.  He  probably  formed  little  conception  of 
the  height  of  the  forest,  or  the  size  of  the  rocks  and 
bluffs,  and  he  was  probably  continuously  much  far- 
ther from  the  shore  than  he  estimates,  or  at  least  re- 
ports. He  saw  the  entrance  to  none  of  a  dozen  con- 
siderable inlets  of  the  Oregon  coast,  nor  realized  the 
dimensions  of  the  truly  large  openings  of  Shoalwater 
Bay  and  Gray's  Harbor,  on  the  Washington  shore. 
Then,  also,  he  had  before  him  the  failure  and  de- 
ception and  disappointment  of  Meares  and  allowed 
the  conclusions  of  that  rather  timorous  captain  to  in- 
fluence his  deductions.  Moreover  he  was  himself 
cautious.  He  was  fearful  of  the  breakers,  which  to 
his  view  made  a  complete  circle,  or  crescent,  from 
the  point  of  the  cape  around  to  Clatsop  sands ;  and 
had  no  mind  to  risk  vessels  of  his  size  and  importance 
in  such  unknown  shoals.  He  demanded  a  clear, 
broad,  deep,  smooth  inlet  before  he  could  obtain  his 
own  consent  to  jeopardize  the  majesty  of  a  British 
command. 

Consequently  he  sailed  by,  and  the  Columbia  still 
ran  to  the  sea,  without  owning  any  king ;  it  retained 
its  o"^Ti  mastery.    Vancouver  with  perfect  compla- 


o 

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AN   AMERICAN    STATE  343 

cency  silent  the  afternoon  under  a  good  spread  of  sail, 
and  a  fair  breeze,  along  the  enchanting  shores  of 
Washington.  He  says:  ''  The  country  now  before 
me  presented  a  most  luxurious  landscape,  and  was 
probably  not  a  little  heightened  in  beauty  by  the 
weather  that  prevailed.  The  interior  part  was  some- 
what elevated,  and  agreeably  diversified  with  hills, 
from  which  it  gradually  descended  to  the  shore,  and 
terminated  in  a  sandy  beach.  The  whole  had  the 
appearance  of  a  forest,  extending  north  as  far  as  the 
eye  could  reach,  which  made  me  very  solicitous  to 
find  a  port  in  a  country  furnishing  so  delightful  a 
prospect  of  fertility. ' '  Shoalwater  Bay  was  sighted, 
but  was  deemed  inaccessible  on  account  of  the  break- 
ers across  the  entrance.  On  the  next  day  the  explor- 
ers reached  Destruction  Island,  a  place  well  known 
on  account  of  the  loss  of  both  English  and  Spanish 
sailors  sent  ashore,  by  massacre.  In  reviewing  the 
course  of  exploration  thus  far,  and  anticipating  what 
still  lay  before,  Vancouver  says,  closing  his  day's  ac- 
counts on  the  28th:  ''  Our  curiosity  was  much  ex- 
cited to  explore  the  promised  expansive  Mediterrane- 
an ocean  which  by  various  accounts  is  said  to  have 
existence  in  these  regions. ' '  He  then  continues  with 
some  sarcasm :  ' '  The  several  large  rivers  and  capa- 
cious inlets  that  have  been  described  as  discharging 
their  contents  into  the  Pacific  between  the  40th  and 
48th  degree  of  north  latitude,  have  been  reduced  to 
brooks  insufficient  for  vessels  to  navigate,  or  inap- 
plicable as  harbors  for  refitting;  unless  that  one  of 


344  THE   GROWTH   OF 


which  Mr.  Dalrymple  informs  us,  that  '  it  is  alleged 
that  the  Spanish  have  recently  found  an  entrance  in 
the  latitude  of  47  deg.  45  min.  N,  which  in  27  days' 
cruise  brought  them  to  the  vicinity  of  Hudson's 
Bay  ' ;  this  latitude  exactly  corresponds  to  the  an- 
cient relation  of  John  de  Fuca,  the  Greek  pilot,  in 
1592." 

There  is  a  tone  of  self-importance,  and  a  contempt 
of  the  efforts  of  others  here  that  reconciles  us  to  his 
defeat  in  coping  with  the  by  no  means  easy,  but  yet 
entirely  accessible  harbors  of  stern  Oregon,  which 
was  to  be  won  only  by  those,  who  as  was  inscribed 
on  the  winning  casket,  were  ready  to  hazard  all  they 
had.  But  with  no  apparent  doubt  of  their  conclu- 
sions the  explorers  on  the  ''  Discovery  "  and  '*  Chat- 
ham "  went  to  rest  on  the  almost  closing  month  of 
April,  with  anticipations  of  some  positive  results  on 
the  morrow.  They  lay  at  anchor  in  21  fathoms  of 
water  on  a  calm  sea. 

The  next  day  was  Sunday,  and  as  early  as  four 
o'clock  in  the  morning  a  sail  was  seen  standing  in 
shore.  This  was  watched  with  great  interest,  as  in 
eight  months'  time  no  such  sight  had  gladdened  the 
sea.  Much  interest  and  possibly  some  concern  was 
felt  as  to  what  nationality  the  stranger  might  belong, 
but  in  no  great  space  conjectures  were  relieved  as  in 
the  clear  air  of  early  dawn  a  flag  was  seen  to  rise  and 
float  out  on  the  breeze.  It  was  the  stars  and  stripes, 
denoting  an  American  thus  early  out  of  port  over  the 
blue  waves.    A  gun  booming  to  leeward  showed  a 


AN   AMEEICAN   STATE  345 

friendly  saiutation.  At  six  she  had  a]pproached  close 
enough  to  speak,  and  proved  to  be  the  bark  "  Co- 
lumbia," commanded  by  Robert  Gray,  of  Boston, 
whence  she  had  been  absent  nineteen  months. 

Vancouver  was  delighted  to  meet  him  here,  in  just 
the  nick  of  time,  as  one  of  his  chief  objects  was  to 
explore  the  inland  sea  as  reported  by  Meares,  and 
felt  little  doubt  that  he  was  the  commander  of  the 
^'  Washington,"  which  had  made  that  cruise.  He 
therefore  signaled  the  American  to  bring  to,  and 
sent  Menzies  and  Puget  "  to  acquire  such  informa- 
tion as  might  be  serviceable  in  further  operations." 
This  was  a  most  impressive  moment  in  the  history, 
and  seems  to  have  been  participated  in  by  the  land- 
scape itself,  as  while  the  morning  advanced  and  the 
boat  was  gone,  the  clouds  parted  from  the  horizon, 
over  which  they  had  been  floating,  and  Mount  Olym- 
pus, about  northeast,  was  unfolded  to  view,  much  to 
the  delight  of  the  explorers,  who  gazed  long  and  ad- 
miringly upon  ^'  its  snowy  sides  and  high-forked 
top,"  while  they  awaited  the  return  of  Menzies  and 
Puget. 

When  they  came  back,  as  Vancouver  narrates, 
"  we  found  that  our  conjectures  had  not  been  ill- 
grounded.  It  was  not  a  little  remarkable  that  on  our 
approach  to  this  inland  sea  we  should  fall  in  with  the 
identical  person  who,  it  had  been  stated,  sailed 
through  it."  However,  and  apparently  to  the  satis- 
faction of  the  explorer,  no  one  seemed  more  aston- 
ished than  Gray  himself  on  hearing  that  he  had  been 


346  THE    GROWTH   OF 

reported  to  have  sailed  through  the  straits  and  come 
around  to  the  sea  on  the  north  side  of  Nootka.  He 
assured  the  officers  that  he  had  penetrated  only  fifty 
miles  into  the  straits,  which  he  found  to  be  five 
leagues  wide,  and  that  he  returned  to  the  ocean  by 
the  same  way  that  he  went  in.  The  inlet  he  consid- 
ered the  same  as  Juan  de  Fuca  had  entered,  ' '  which 
opinion, ' '  adds  Vancouver, ' '  seemed  to  be  universal- 
ly received  by  all  modern  visitors. "  As  we  shall  see 
hereafter  it  was  not  Gray,  but  Kendrick,  that  cir- 
cumnavigated Vancouver's  Island  in  the  "  Wash- 
ington. ' ' 

Gray  also  gave  information  of  a  large  river  of 
fresh  water  that  he  had  attempted  to  enter,  in  lati- 
tude 46  degrees  10  minutes.  He  had  stood  in  and 
out  for  nine  days,  but  at  every  effort  was  driven 
back  by  the  strong  current.  Vancouver  says  of  it: 
''  This  was  probably  the  opening  found  by  me  on 
the  forenoon  of  the  27th,  and  was  inaccessible,  not 
from  the  current,  but  from  the  breakers  that  ex- 
tended across  it."  Gray  also  entered  another  inlet 
to  the  northward  in  latitude  54  degrees  30  min- 
utes, and  sailed  to  latitude  56  without  finding  a 
termination. 

The  information  given  by  Gray  did  not  disturb  the 
conclusion  of  the  Briton  that  the  river  was  unworthy 
of  further  consideration,  and  he  sailed  on  northward 
while  Gray  resumed  his  course;  although  for  some 
reason  the  American  turned  and  followed  for  a  short 
distance,  as  if  unsatisfied  as  to  the  object  of  the  Brit- 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  347 

ish ;  but  not  gaining  soon  hauled  oft"  and  went  south, 
disappearing  under  the  curve  of  the  sea. 

The  sky,  after  a  morning  in  which  the  mountains 
had  put  off  their  clouds  for  a  few  hours  as  if  to 
watch  what  the  ships  were  doing,  and  i^ossibly  to 
consider  which  of  the  two  flags  was  to  wave  over 
their  summits,  became  hazy,  and  soon  all  was  shroud- 
ed in  rain.  But  it  was  not  too  stormy  for  Vancouver 
to  watch  closely  the  shore  between  fortj^-seven  and 
forty-eight,  and  at  noon  he  noted  the  violent  surf 
beating  on  the  rocks,  and  soon  made  out  Tatoosh 
Island  through  the  somewhat  obscured  atmosphere. 
The  cape  passed  he  understood  was  called  Classet 
by  the  natives,  and  was  not  wholly  sure  at  first  that 
it  was  the  Cape  Flattery  of  CaiDtain  Cook.  He 
looked  also  with  great  concern  for  the  very  high  pin- 
nacled rock,  described  by  De  Fuca,  and  also  supposed 
to  be  identified  by  Meares ;  but  concluded  somewhat 
sardonically  that  this  was  an  ornamentation,  as  al- 
though there  were  rocks,  and  many  of  great  size, 
there  was  none  in  particular  corresponding  to  that 
of  the  Greek's  account.  Seven  o'clock  at  evening 
found  him  in  a  shallow  bay*  on  the  south  side,  and 
eight  miles  within  the  straits,  well  sheltered  from  the 
now  rising  south  wind.  All  was  made  snug,  and  the 
evening  was  enlivened  by  native  visitors,  probably  of 
the  Makah  tribe,  who  came  aboard,  and  seemed  very 
friendly. 

The  last  day  of  the  month— April,  1792— dawned 

*Neah  Bay. 


348  THE    GROWTH   OF 

clear  and  pleasant,  with  a  west  wind  blowing  fair  up 
the  straits,  and  the  two  vessels  were  soon  under 
way,  and  proceeding  up  the  greatest  inlet  of  the 
western  world.  All  were  deeply  impressed  with  the 
beauty  of  the  scene;  they  observed  the  sandy,  or  shaly, 
cliffs,  on  the  south,  falling  perpendicularly  upon  the 
beaches  of  sand  or  stones;  the  hills  beyond,  appear- 
ing to  take  a  further  moderate  ascent,  clothed  densely 
with  trees  chiefly  of  the  pine  species,  until  the  forest 
reached  '^  a  range  of  high  craggy  mountains,*  which 
seemed  to  rise  very  abruptly  from  the  woodlands, 
with  a  few  scattered  trees  on  their  sterile  sides,  and 
their  summits  covered  with  snow. ' ' 

From  this  fair  morning,  with  the  unclouded  moun- 
tains affording  scenes  of  all  but  unmatched  grandeur 
on  both  sides  of  the  immense  inlet,  although  not  of 
so  great  proportions  on  the  north  as  on  the  south, 
came  such  a  day  as  the  explorers  had  perhaps  never 
seen  before,  and  rarely  afterwards.  It  was  one  of 
those  spring  days  that  does  its  best,  and  a  sparkling 
air  and  splendid  sunshine  bring  forth  the  scenic 
grandeurs  in  all  their  amplitude.  The  sea  breeze 
freshened,  the  ships  were  soon  flying  at  a  rapid  rate 
past  the  changing  shores,  and  after  some  hours  all 
was  most  intense  interest  to  see  how  these  wonderful 
waters  would  unfold  their  mazes.  The  explorer 
says :  ' '  Every  new  appearance  as  we  proceeded  fur- 
nished new  conjectures;  the  whole  was  not  visibly 
connected;  it  might  prove  a  cluster  of  islands  sepa- 


*  Olympic  Mountains. 


AN   AMEKICAN    STATE  349 

rated  by  large  arms  of  the  sea,  or  be  united  by  lands 
not  sufficiently  high  to  be  discerned."  They  seemed 
to  trust  themselves  entirely  to  the  elements,  not  an- 
ticipating rocks  or  reefs,  and  enjoying  the  wind  and 
sunshine  with  the  abandon  of  boys.  Nor  was  their 
confidence  misplaced.  No  obstruction,  or  sunken 
reef,  or  flaw  of  the  settled  west  wind  occurred  to  in- 
terrupt their  progress;  but  the  horizon  to  the  east 
at  length  appeared,  and  indicated  a  terminus  to  the 
waters  in  that  direction,  and  as  the  afternoon  began 
to  wear  a  low  film  of  clouds  that  settled  over  the 
heights  disclosed  above  them  ''  a  high  craggy  moun- 
tain. ' '  This  was  sighted  by  the  third  lieutenant  and 
named  for  him  Mount  Baker.  The  discovery  of 
snow-capped  peaks  rising  above  the  clouds  was 
very  impressive,  and  no  men  ever  have  shown  more 
appreciation  of  their  grandeur  than  these  first  ex- 
plorers. 

At  seven  o  'clock,  as  the  memorable  day  was  about 
to  close,  a  fine  harbor,  reminding  Vancouver  of 
Dungeness,  was  reached,  and  named  for  the  home 
port— by  which  it  is  still  known.  In  closing  the 
day's  accounts  the  navigator  pauses  to  review 
his  discoveries  on  the  coast  thus  far,  and  is 
struck  with  ' '  the  very  singular  circumstance, ' '  that, 
''  on  a  coast  of  215  leagues  "  on  which  '^  our  in- 
quiries had  been  employed  under  the  most  favorable 
circumstance  of  wind  and  weather,  we  should  not 
until  now  have  seen  any  appearance  of  an  opening  in 
its  shores;    the  whole  coast  seeming  one  compact, 


350  THE    GROWTH   OF 

solid,  straight,  barrier  against  the  sea. ' '  He  reverts 
to  '  *  Mr.  Gray 's  river, ' '  which  should  have  existence 
in  the  bay  south  of  Cape  Disappointment,  as  "  very 
intricate,  and  inaccessible  to  vessels  of  our  burthen. ' ' 
May  day  broke  with  weather  still  beautiful,  and 
the  voyage  was  resumed  and  continued  until  shortly 
before  noon  the  line  harbor  named  by  Vancouver 
Port  Discovery  was  reached,  and  the  security  of  the 
place  was  so  apparent,  both  from  wind  and  any  pos- 
sible attacks,  owing  to  the  position  of  Protection  Is- 
land, as  named,  that  here  the  two  vessels  cast  anchor, 
and  prepared  for  a  general  refitting  and  cleaning. 
This  occupied  almost  a  week. 

The  whole  of  May  and  the  most  of  June  was  now 
spent  in  discoveries  above  the  straits  to  the  south- 
ward. Very  fine  weather,  interrupted  occasionally 
by  fog,  or  sometimes  by  rain,  characterized  the  sea- 
son. Vancouver  very  considerately  remarks  as  to 
the  rains,  that  although  causing  some  discomfort 
they  were  no  more  frequent  and  abundant  than  the 
growing  vegetation  required.  All  were  enchanted 
with  the  beauties  of  the  scenery;  nothing  pleased 
them  more  than  the  numerous  open  spaces,  or  glades, 
seen  on  the  islands,  or  points  of  land,  where  innu- 
merable gay  flowers  alternated  with  the  rich  coloring 
of  green  grass.  Speaking  of  the  beauty  of  the  country 
he  says:  ''  To  describe  the  beauties  of  this  region 
will,  on  some  future  occasion,  be  a  very  grateful  task 
to  the  pen  of  some  skillful  panegyrist.  The  serenity 
of  the  climate,  the  innumerable  pleasing  landscapes, 


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AN   AMERICAN    STATE  351 

and  tJie  abundant  fertility  that  unassisted  nature  puts 
forth,  require  only  to  be  enriched  by  the  industry  of 
man,  with  villages,  mansions,  cottages,  and  other 
buildings,  to  make  the  most  lovely  country  that  can 
be  imagined;  while  the  labor  of  the  inhabitants 
would  be  amply  rewarded  in  the  bounties  that  nature 
seems  ready  to  bestow  on  cultivation. ' ' 

The  first  task  after  making  Port  Discovery  was 
discovering  the  arm  upon  which  was  bestowed 
the  name  Hood's  Canal.  This  was  done  by 
Vancouver  with  the  ship's  yawl,  and  with  Puget, 
Menzies,  and  Johnstone,  leaving  Broughton  in  charge 
of  the  vessels.  On  his  way  the  commander  found  the 
safe  and  capacious  harbor  which  he  called  Port 
Townsend, ' '  after  the  noble  Marquis. ' '  On  the  same 
day  he  also  sighted  and  named  Mount  Ranier,  after 
the  rear  admiral  of  that  name,  an  officer  of  the  Brit- 
ish navy.  The  pleasure,  and  also  the  honor  to  him- 
self and  the  advantage  to  his  nation,  of  thus  placing 
the  names  of  his  friends  or  of  distinguished  Britons 
upon  the  conspicuous  features  of  the  landscape,  were 
fully  appreciated  by  the  captain. 

To  follow  out  the  first  large  canal  found  entering 
here— as  his  plan  was  to  begin  on  his  right  hand  go- 
ing up  and  investigate  every  opening  to  its  end— 
required  ten  days  more  time  than  he  anticipated, 
and  all  the  boat's  provisions  were  consumed  be- 
fore returning  to  the  vessels.  Following  this  lone- 
ly water  to  its  last  curve  far  into  the  impending  for- 
est proved  quite  a  strain  on  the  spirits  of  the  men. 


352  THE   GROWTH   OF 

The  awe  of  nature  was  on  them,  Vancouver  says, 
and  the  men  grew  timid  in  the  awful  silence  of  the 
forest  and  the  deep  waters.  The  stillness  was  in- 
terrupted only  by  the  croaking  of  a  raven,  now  and 
then ;  or  the  scream  of  an  eagle,  or  the  breathing  of 
a  seal.  ' '  Even  these  solitary  sounds  were  so  seldom 
heard  that  the  rustling  of  the  breeze  along  the  shore, 
assisted  by  the  solemn  stillness  that  prevailed  gave 
rise  to  ridiculous  suspicions  in  our  seamen  of  hear- 
ing rattlesnakes,  and  other  hideous  monsters  in  the 
wilderness. ' '  They  were  glad  to  return  safely  from 
this  weird  arm  of  the  inland  sea  to  their  ships,  where 
they  found  the  faithful  Broughton  growing  anxious 
for  their  safety.  As  a  sort  of  first  fruits  of  a  com- 
plete discovery,  and  representing  Vancouver's  own 
personal  exertion,  this  canal  was  named  for  a  much 
admired  friend,  the  Right  Honorable  Lord  Hood. 

Proceeding  up  the  main  arm  of  the  sound,  to  which 
was  given  the  name  of  Admiralty  Inlet,  Port  Orchard 
was  reached  and  named  on  the  24th.  On  the  29th, 
Vashon  Island  was  found,  and  named  for  an  officer 
in  the  navy.  Mount  St.  Helens  was  sighted,  and  when 
again  seen  in  the  autumn  was  named  in  honor  of 
the  English  Ambassador  at  Madrid.  The  multiplic- 
ity of  arms  and  coves  of  the  upper  waters  required 
detailed  examination,  and  not  until  June  4th  was 
the  survey  of  Admiralty  Inlet  completed,  and  then 
formal  and  somewhat  ceremonious  possession  of  the 
country  was  taken  for  the  British  sovereign,  under 
the  name  New  Georgia. 


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AN   AMERICAN    STATE  353 

During  their  explorations  over  the  country  of  the 
sound,  to  which  the  name  of  the  upper  arm,  after  Mr. 
Puget,  lias  been  extended,  Indians  were  often  seen, 
and  the  villages,  which  had  only  been  left  tempora- 
rily, are  often  spoken  of  as  "  deserted.'-  The  natives 
were  observed  digging  camas,  or  gathering  shell  fish, 
or  sometimes  hunting  for  the  spotted  deer  along  the 
shores  of  the  islands.  They  usually  regarded  the 
white  men  with  apparent  indifference,  and  continued 
their  tasks  without  signs  of  either  fear  or  curiosity. 
At  the  village  near  Port  Orchard  the  dogs  were 
found  all  freshly  shorn,  like  sheep,  and  it  was 
from  these  animals  that  the  hair  with  which  the 
finer  clothes  were  woven  was  obtained.  So  far  as 
they  took  notice  of  the  white  men  these  "  good  peo- 
ple ' '  seemed  friendly,  except  once.  This  was  in  con- 
nection with  a  small  party  on  the  upper  arm  of  the 
sound,  when  the  officer  in  charge  gave  the  order  to 
discharge  the  guns,  as  he  thought  they  had  been  load- 
ed too  long.  A  party  of  Indians  were  near,  and  see- 
ing the  smoke  and  hearing  the  noise  came  near,  mak- 
ing faces  and  saying  "  poo  "  after  each  discharge. 
The  officer,  not  knowing  this  was  the  word  for  gun, 
took  it  as  a  sign  of  hostility  and  contempt,  and  began 
to  prepare  for  a  contest.  The  Indians  also  gathered 
their  bows,  and  began  stringing  them.  But  after  nu- 
merous signs,  and  shooting  in  an  opposite  direction, 
the  Indians  seemed  satisfied,  and  departed.  This  of- 
ficer committed  the  same  mistake  that  cost  Cook  his 
life  in  the  Sandwich  Islands,  who  fired  a  blank  shot 

[Vol.  1] 


354  THE   GROWTH   OF 

to  intimidate  the  natives,  but  they,  seeing  they  were 
not  hurt,  no  longer  feared  smoke. 

On  another  occasion  Vancouver  noticed  that  the 
Indians  showed  abhorrence  of  cannibalism.  He 
bought  a  deer  of  a  party  that  entered  his  camp,  and 
wishing  to  show  them  some  consideration  invited 
them  to  eat.  When  the  meat  was  brought  on  they 
refused  it,  and  upon  being  urged  showed  every  sign 
of  disgust,  and  declined  more  positively.  He  then 
ordered  the  parts  of  the  deer  from  which  the  meat 
had  been  taken  to  be  brought,  and  being  shown  be- 
yond all  doubt  that  it  was  from  the  deer,  and  not,  as 
he  imagined  they  thought,  from  a  human  being,  they 
were  satisfied  and  ate  heartily. 

Penn's  Cove,  named  for  a  personal  friend,  and 
Whidby's  Island  were  charted  and  named.  Pro- 
ceeding down,  Vancouver  bestowed  the  name  Gray's 
Point,  apparently  in  honor  of  the  American,  but  in 
reality  in  order  to  mark  what  he  considered  the  ex- 
tent of  his  examination,  and  met  on  the  22d  of  June  a 
Spanish  ship,  or  small  corvette,  named  the  ''  Sutil,'* 
manning  24  men  in  the  most  crowded  and  uncomfort- 
able condition,  under  Galiano  and  Valdes.  Informa- 
tion was  given  by  them  that  Bodega,  the  Spanish 
commissioner,  was  now  at  Nootka,  and  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  the  English,  by  whom  all  things  would  be 
found  readv  for  the  restoration  and  transfer  of  the 
place.  Courtesies  were  exchanged,  dinner  was  taken 
on  board  the  Spanish  craft,  and  in  company  with 
them  the  English  sailed  through  the  Rosario  Straits. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  355 

Then  parting,  went  northward,  and  completed  the 
circumnavigation  of  the  island,  the  first  made,  as  con- 
fidently believed  by  Vancouver,  though  to  Kendrick 
the  honor  may  belong. 

It  was  nearly  two  months  before  this  circumnavi- 
gation was  accomplished,  and,  then  passing  to  the 
ocean  and  coasting  down  the  weather  shore,  the  Eng- 
lishmen sailed  into  Nootka.  Vancouver  was  anxious 
to  make  port,  as  in  the  northern  waters  his  ship,  the 
* '  Discovery, ' '  had  struck  on  a  reef,  at  high  tide,  and 
had  hung  as  the  tide  went  down,  in  a  very  perilous 
position ;  but  upon  beaching  was  found  to  have  suf- 
fered only  the  loss  of  some  copper.  At  Nootka  the 
Spanish  commandant,  and  peace  coromissioner, 
whose  full  name  was  Don  Juan  Francisco  de  la  Bo- 
dega y  Quadra,  was  awaiting  him  with  all  suavity, 
and  at  once  offered  hospitality.  A  very  sumptuous 
dinner,  which  the  English  chronicler  states  was  of 
five  courses,  and  consisted  of  fresh  vegetables  and 
meats,  and  tasted  surprisingly  good,  was  served.  The 
Indian  chief  Maquinna  was  at  the  feast,  and  as  he 
had  announced  that  he  had  made  his  daughter  his 
heir,  the  young  princess  was  also  present,  and  be- 
haved with  dignity  and  decorum.  Maquinna,  how- 
ever, was  a  little  out  of  sorts,  and  complained  con- 
siderably about  the  transfer  to  the  English.  He  was 
shown  every  attention,  however,  and  at  length  was 
persuaded  that  the  English  were  as  good  friends  as 
the  Spanish.  He  had  unintentionally  been  much  of- 
fended by  refusal  of  the  guard  to  board  the  English 


356  THE    GROWTH   OF 

ships,  when  they  first  arrived,  no  one  on  board  know- 
ing who  he  was,  as  he  wore  no  mark  of  his  chief  rank. 
But  he  thought  he  ought  to  be  known  in  his  own  home 
and  on  his  own  water,  and  for  some  time  would  not 
be  convinced  of  the  error.     • 

A  number  of  vessels  were  seen  at  Nootka,  among 
them  being  the  American  brig  "  Hope,"  under  In- 
graham. 

At  length,  after  satisfying  all  the  Spanish  equi- 
ties, and  receiving  the  quarters,  Vancouver  and 
Broughton  sailed  from  Nootka  about  the  middle 
of  October.  They  were  anxious  to  make  another  at- 
tempt to  enter  the  Columbia,  and  on  the  19th  were 
off  the  bar.  They  sailed  up  at  four  o'clock,  but  the 
wind  dying  away  put  out  again.  On  the  forenoon  of 
the  next  day  they  stood  in,  the  ' '  Chatham  ' '  leading, 
but  the  ' '  Discovery ' '  after  reaching  a  point  where  the 
water  shoaled  to  four  fathoms  and  being  in  imminent 
peril  of  striking  on  the  spit,  made  the  best  of  her  way 
out.  The  ''  Chatham  "  got  in.  The  "  Discovery  " 
made  another  effort,  but  a  heavy  southeast  gale  aris- 
ing put  to  sea  and  steered  for  Monterey,  in  order  to 
complete  the  survey  of  the  coast.  His  final  estimate 
of  the  Columbia  is  given  by  Vancouver  as  follows: 
'•  My  former  opinion  of  this  port  being  inaccessible 
to  vessels  of  our  burthen  was  now  fully  confirmed; 
with  the  exception  that  in  very  fine  weather,  with 
moderate  winds  and  a  smooth  sea,  vessels  not  exceed- 
ing four  hundred  tons,  might,  so  far  as  we  were  able 
to  judge,  gain  admittance." 


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AN    AMERICAN    STATE  357 


The  entrance  to  tlie  Columbia  undoubtedly  then  as 
now  required  care,  but  the  dangers  that  threatened 
the  "  Discovery  "  were  chiefly  that  she  was  out  of- 
the  channel.  Broughton  found  four  and  a  half  fath- 
oms of  water,  and  Gray  found  five.  Within  not  a, 
very  great  many  years  after  Vancouver  wrote  Eng- 
lish vessels  were  crossing  every  year,  and  now  not 
vessels  of  four  hundred,  but  of  as  many  thousand 
tons,  and  more,  are  crossing  at  all  seasons. 

In  May  of  this  same  year,  as  we  shall  see  more 
particularly,  the  Columbia  had  been  entered  and  ex- 
amined by  Robert  Gray;  but  it  will  be  well  here,  as 
completing  the  discoveries  of  the  British,  to  give  a 
short  account  of  the  survey  made  for  a  hundred  miles 
of  its  course  by  Lieutenant  Broughton.  Crossing  in 
he  found  four  fathoms  of  water,  and  breakers  all 
across  the  mouth  except  at  one  point.  Smooth  water 
and  safe  anchorage  was  found  under  the  shelter  of 
Cape  Disappointment,  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  bar. 
In  attempting  to  sail  up  the  river  he  sighted  Chinook 
Point,  where  he  saw  a  ' '  deserted  village, ' '  and  kept 
this  ' '  well  open  with  a  remarkable  projecting  point, 
that  obtained  the  name  of  Tongue  Point,  on  the 
southern  shore,  appearing  as  an  island,"  but  not 
knowing  the  channel  soon  went  aground ;  getting  off 
easily,  however,  as  the  tide  rose. 

The  following  day  was  spent  in  an  excursion  to 
the  south  shore,  examining  the  low  sandy  peninsula 
of  Point  Adams,  and  viewing  the  breakers  on  the 
sands;    and  at  length  rowing  up  a  bay  and  river, 


358  THE    GROWTH   OP 


which  he  named  for  Sir  George  Young,  of  the  Royal 
navj.  The  night  was  spent  on  the  reedy  shore  of 
this  water,  but  not  very  comfortably,  as  the  rain  fell 
in  torrents.  The  next  day,  however,  broke  very 
pleasantly,  and  the  sight  of  the  golden  autumn 
leaves,  and  the  rich  colors  of  the  grassy  shores  and 
the  young  tideland  spruces  dotting  the  meadows, 
was  very  cheerful.  Immense  flocks  of  migratory 
fowls  were  also  remarked. 

With  no  great  surplus  of  time,  and  without  a  very 
great  interest  in  a  stream  to  which  the  right  of  dis- 
covery could  not  be  very  clearly  established,  the  Eng- 
lish lieutenant  made  a  survey  of  the  estuary,  visiting 
and  naming  Gray's  Bay  on  the  north  shore,  marking 
thus  as  he  supposed  the  farthest  limit  of  Gray's  ex- 
ploration. On  reaching  a  point  some  thirty  miles 
from  the  bar  he  found  the  estuary  contract  to  about 
—as  he  estimated— half  a  mile,  and  the  course  of  the 
river  choked  with  islands.  This  arm  he  then  as- 
serted, was  the  true  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  and  all 
that  below  was  but  a  sound;  and  that  he  was  the 
first  to  discover  the  river. 

He  intended  this  an  entirely  serious  conclusion,  and 
was  supported  in  it  by  both  Vancouver  and  the  claims 
of  the  British  Government.  Vancouver,  describing 
Broughton's  discoveries,  says:  "  About  a  mile  from 
the  east  point  of  the  bay  (Gray's)  conmiences  a  range 
of  five  small,  low,  sandy  islets,  partly  covered  with 
wood,  and  extending  about  five  miles  eastward. 
.     .     .     Between  the  ocean  and  that  which  should 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  359 


properly  be  considered  the  entrance  of  the  river,  is 
a  space  from  three  to  seven  (four  to  ten)  miles  wide, 
intricate  to  navigate  on  account  of  the  shoals,  that 
extend  nearly  from  side  to  side ;  and  ought  rather  to 
be  considered  as  a  sound  than  as  constituting  a  part 
of  the  river,  since  the  entrance  to  the  river,  which 
they  reached  about  dark,  was  found  to  be  not  more 
than  half  a  mile  wide,  formed  by  the  contracting 
shores  of  the  sound. 

' '  Between  the  points  of  entrance,  lying  from  each 
other  N.  50  E.  and  S.  50  W.  were  seven  fathoms  of 
water.  The  northernmost  point  is  situated  in  lati- 
tude 46°  18'  N.  and  longitude  (east  from  Greenwich) 
236°  34'.  .  .  .  The  true  point  of  entrance  is 
formed  by  low  marshy  land;  the  southernmost 
seems  to  be  an  island.  To  the  North  West  of  the 
most  northerly  a  branch  took  a  northerly  direction, 
and  was  named  Orchard  river. ' ' 

We  need  not  linger  very  particularly  with  the  de- 
tails of  Broughton's  survey  up  the  river,  as  the  most 
of  his  observations  were  hasty  and  inconsequential. 
What  is  now  of  the  most  interest  to  us  is  the  nomen- 
clature of  various  points,  as  this  has  to  a  large  ex- 
tent remained.  Mr.  Puget,  who  seems  to  have  been 
a  favorite,  was  honored  with  bestowal  of  his  name 
upon  the  largest  island  passed,  and  by  this  it  is  still 
known.  For  AValker,  the  ''  Chatham's  "  surgeon, 
another  island,  farther  up,  was  called,  and  this  name 
has  remained,  and  the  island  become  famous  in  the 
history  of  river  improvement.    Mount  Coffin,  as  they 


360  THE    GROWTH   OF 

proceeded  further,  was  also  passed  and  named,  the 
place  then,  as  for  some  time  after,  being  noticeable  as 
the  burial,  or  place  of  open  sepulture,  in  boxes  or 
canoes,  covered  only  with  a  lid,  or  another  canoe  over 
the  body,  of  the  Indians.  This  was  so  much  noticed 
in  the  accounts  of  travelers  that  the  poet  Bryant,  in 
composing  his  most  noted  ode,  was  impressed  with 
the  picture,  and  to  it  is  due  the  fact  that  he  intro- 
duced the  famous  lines  "  Where  rolls  the  Oregon," 
in  order  that  he  might  complete  the  illustration  of  his 
theme  by  adding—"  Yet,— the  dead  are  there." 

A  point,  possibly  near  the  mouth  of  the  Willamette, 
was  named  Belle  Vue,  from  the  extreme  beauty  of 
the  scene;  and  from  this  the  large  conical  mountain 
a  little  south  of  east  was  noticed.  Being  anxious  to 
finish  his  survey  and  return  to  sea  before  the  winter 
storms,  Broughton  was  influenced  by  the  sight  of 
this  mountain,  still  covered  with  snow  to  its  base, 
though  thus  late  in  the  season,  to  conclude  that  the 
range  to  which  the  mountain  belonged  must  close  the 
course  of  the  Columbia  eastward,  and  portended  the 
speedy  ending  of  the  stream.  He  did  not  dream  that 
the  river  extended  over  a  thousand  miles  above,  or 
was  able  to  cut  the  mountain  chain  across.  The  pow- 
erful current,  also,  and  east  wind,  made  rowing  both 
slow  and  tiresome,  and  the  men  complained  of  fa- 
tigue. He  proceeded,  however,  to  a  point  on  the 
north  shore,  above  a  great  sand  bar  on  the  south 
side,  where  he  estimated  the  river  as  but  quarter  of 
a  mile  wide.    This  was  in  latitude  45  degrees  27  min- 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  361 

utes;  and  longitude  237  degrees  50  minutes,  east  of 
Greenwich.  This  is  a  little  above  the  mouth  of  the 
Sandy,  near  the  present  point  of  Washougal. 

The  weather  was  now  fine,  and  the  mountains  stood 
out  in  all  their  grandeur.  Broughton  was  much  im- 
pressed with  the  magnificence  of  the  pyramidal  snow 
peak,  now  bearing  southeast.  It  is  thus  described: 
' '  The  same  remarkable  mountain  that  had  been  seen 
from  Belle  Vue  Point,  again  presented  itself,  bear^ 
ing  at  this  point  S.  67°  East;  and  though  the  party 
were  now  nearer  to  it  by  seven  leagues  yet  its  lofty 
summit  was  scarcely  more  distinct  across  the  inter- 
vening land,  which  was  more  than  moderately  elevat- 
ed. Mr.  Broughton  honored  it  with  Lord  Hood's 
name;  its  appearance  was  magnificent;  and  it  was 
clothed  in  snow  from  its  summit  as  low  down  as  the 
highland,  by  which  it  was  intercepted,  permitted  it 
to  be  visible. ' ' 

The  point  was  called  for  Vancouver,  and  from  the 
circumstance  that  Fort  Vancouver  was  built  not  very 
far  from  here  it  has  been  frequently  stated  that 
Broughton  ascended  to  the  present  site  of  Vancou- 
ver; but  the  point  was  nearly  twenty  miles  above,  as 
is  shown  by  the  latitude  and  longitude  given.  He 
says,  indeed,  that  it  was  but  84  miles  '*  from  the 
mouth  of  the  river, ' '  meaning  the  islands  near  Cath- 
lamet;  and  100  from  where  the  "  Chatham  "  lay, 
which  was  near  Chinook  Point;  but  he  evidently 
meant  nautical,  not  English  miles.  As  to  the  Co- 
lumbia River  itself  he  remarks  here :    * '  Thus  far  the 


362  THE   GROWTH   OF 


river  could  be  hardly  considered  navigable  for  skip- 
ping "—not  foreseeing  the  commerce  that  should  one 
day  float  on  its  breast,  bearing  the  largest  liners.  He 
could  not  foresee,  either,  the  energy  of  a  people  such 
as  afterwards  occupied  the  country,  which  easily  has 
broken  over  natural  inconveniences. 

At  this  impressive  point  he  took  possession  of  the 
territory  for  his  Britannic  majesty,  and  in  the  cere- 
mony an  old  Indian  chief  who  had  followed  with  his 
braves  in  a  canoe,  was  perfectly  willing  to  take  part, 
drinking  to  the  health  of  the  English  king  with  as 
much  appetite  as  if  the  draught  were  mere  ordinary 
liquor.  He  had  been  accompanied  by  natives  nearly  all 
the  way,  who  seemed  very  friendly,  although  once  or 
twice  making  a  demonstration  of  paint  and  feathers, 
but  as  it  afterwards  proved  from  simple  compliment. 
At  one  point  he  was  accosted  by  some  who  could 
not  make  themselves  understood  except  by  signs,  the 
principal  one  being  drawing  their  hands  across  their 
throats.    This  was  at  first  understood  as  a  threat,  but 
afterwards  as  a  warning  of  a  hostile  people  above. 
Probably  it  was  neither,  but  was  a  sign  of  the  tribe 
living  on  the  upper  Columbia— the  sign  of  the  throat 
indicating  the  Nez  Perce  people ;  the  intention  prob- 
ably being  to  say  that  the  Nez  Perces  were  above,  or 
that  this  was  a  band  of  that  tribe.    It  might  have 
developed  great  historic  interest  if  the  explorers  had 
gone  as  far  as  the  Cascades,  where  they  might  possi- 
bly have  seen  the  Spaniard  Soto,  whose  son  is  men- 
tioned by  Franchere  twenty  years  afterwards. 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  363 

Broughton  felt  fully  justified  in  taking  possession 
of  the  country,  and  Vancouver  concludes  that  he  had 
'*  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  subjects  of  no 
other  civilized  nation  had  ever  entered  this  river  be- 
fore ' ' :  and  in  this  opinion  he  ' '  was  confirmed  by  Mr. 
Gray's  sketch  in  which  it  does  not  appear  that  Mr. 
Gray  either  saw,  or  was  even  within  five  leagues  of, 
its  entrance. ' ' 

It  need  hardly  be  said  that  although  this  view  of 
the  relation  of  the  Columbia  to  its  estuary  was  seri- 
ously put  forth,  it  could  not  be  sustained.  It  had  to 
be  conceded  that  Broughton 's  ''  Mouth  "  was  arbi- 
trarily fixed  in  order  to  make  a  claim  that  suited  the 
object  of  the  British  explorers.  Any  other  narrower 
place  either  above  or  below,  or  a  broader  one,  for 
that  matter,  might  have  been  fixed  by  an  interested 
party.  It  was  seen  that  although  for  thirty  miles 
from  the  sea  the  river  expands  to  an  estuary  this  is 
practically  controlled  by  river  conditions,  and  that  no 
point  can  be  considered  the  ' '  mouth  ' '  except  where 
the  water  is  discharged  into  the  sea.  It  must  also  be 
said  that  Broughton  very  greatly  belittled  the  Co- 
lumbia, his  measurements  being  in  all  cases  too  small, 
or  he  used  nautical  miles  when  the  public  would  infer 
he  meant  statute  miles.  It  is  true  the  river  was  at 
its  lowest,  or  ' '  zero  ' '  period ;  but  he  had  abundant 
evidence  of  its  higher  stages,  indeed  at  one  point 
noticing  driftwood  twenty  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
river  at  the  time ;  but  this  he  attributed  to  *  *  an  un- 
commonly high  tide."     In  many  such  matters  he 


364  THE    GROWTH    OF 

showed  himself  unfamiliar  with  river  conditions,  and 
was  constantly  applying  salt  water  ideas  to  fresh 
water. 

After  taking  possession  the  explorers  hastened 
back  to  the  ''  Chatham,"  and  found  an  American 
brig  anchored  inside  of  the  cape.  This  was  the 
^'  Jenny,"  of  Bristol,  Rhode  Island;  and  the  com- 
pliment was  given  her  master  of  bestowing  his  name. 
Baker,  upon  the  bay  which  has  since  been  so  styled. 
This  was  chiefly  to  emphasize  the  fact,  as  the  British 
understood  it,  that  the  Americans  had  confined 
their  discoveries  to  the  shallow  bays  below  the  true 
"  mouth,"  while  the  English  names  denoted  the  far- 
ther exploration. 

Baker  seems  to  have  been  a  shrewd  master,  and  to 
him  was  owed  much  in  the  way  of  getting  the 
''  Chatham  "  out  of  the  river.  He  had  been  inside 
earlier  in  the  year,  and  had  become  acquainted  with 
the  channel;  and  accommodatingly  offered  to  take 
the  lead,  while  the  ' '  Chatham  ' '  followed.  The  Eng- 
lishman stood  down  the  bay,  making  a  short  trip  of 
inspection,  and  then  attempted  the  crossing,  with  an 
east  northeast  wind,  and  tide  at  half  ebb.  This  was, 
in  truth,  a  dangerous  combination,  as  steerage  would 
be  most  difficult,  and  at  that  stage  of  tide  the  currents 
swept  violently  over  the  spits.  The  "  Chatham  " 
barely  missed  the  breakers  on  the  shoals  off  Cape 
Hancock,  and  then  stood  over  towards  Point  Adams. 
The  soundings  first  showed  from  six  to  nine  and 
eleven  fathoms,  but  the  sea  was  extremely  irregular 


AN    AMERICAN    fciTATE  3G5 

and  confused.  The  water  then,  as  they  crossed  south- 
erly, rapidly  shoaled  from  six  to  five,  and  then  four 
and  a  half  fathoms,  or  27  feet.  The  course  was  then 
changed  to  the  west,  half  south,  and  a  close  watch  was 
kept  of  the  ' '  J  enny, ' '  which  seemed  to  be  riding  the 
swells,  and  shipping  no  water.  But  for  the  "  Chat- 
ham" the  waves  became  dangerous,  as  they  rolled  up 
from  the  sea  against  both  wind  and  a  powerful  ebb- 
tide. She  pitched  so  violently  that  although  the  wind 
was  directly  aft,  it  was  often  spilled  from  the  sails, 
so  that  it  appeared  for  some  moments  that  she  would 
lose  steerage.  The  sea  also  broke  several  times  over 
the  decks,  deluging  the  vessel  from  stem  to  stern. 

With  the  idea  of  having  a  refuge  in  case  of  neces- 
sity the  ship's  boat  was  left  out,  being  towed  along 
behind,  and  occupied  by  but  one  man.  Just  about  on 
the  middle  of  the  bar  as  a  huge  wave  rose  and 
strained  the  line,  the  rope  was  snapped,  and  the  boat 
and  man  were  turned  adrift.  Help  was  impossible 
further  than  to  cast  out  life  buoys  in  case  the  boat 
should  swamp.  But  the  brave  fellow  coolly  took 
the  oars  and  guided  his  way  in  the  channel,  and  was 
afterward  picked  up  without  injury. 

Soon  the  peril  was  over,  and  the  Englishman  was 
safe  on  the  open  sea. 

Vancouver,  however,  never  became  a  friend  of  the 
Columbia  River.  He  closes  his  reference  to  this  no- 
ble stream  as  follows :  ' '  From  the  information  and 
impressions  derived  from  the  visit,  it  appears  to  be 
highly  advisable  that  no  vessel  should  attempt  en- 


366  THE   GROWTH   OF 

tering  this  port  but  when  the  Water  is  perfectly 
Smooth.  A  passage  may  then  be  effected  with  safety, 
but  ought  even  then  to  be  undertaken  with  caution. ' ' 
Broughton  reported  no  less  depth  than  four  and  a 
half  fathoms,  or  27  feet.  Gray,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, found  thirty  feet.  Broughton 's  soundings 
were  taken  very  nearly  at  low  tide,  and  what  was  his 
idea  in  taking  an  ebb-tide,  with  wind  aft,  dees  not 
appear.  Probably  he  feared  that  with  the  advancing 
day  the  wind  might  fail.  But  a  northwest  wind  on 
the  beam,  and  a  rising  tide  to  afford  steerage  way,  as 
the  bar  then  lay  between  Clatsop  spit  on  the  south 
and  Peacock  spit  on  the  north,  with  deepest  water 
looking  about  southwest,  would  have  been  much 
more  favorable. 

With  this  the  period  of  discovery  practically  end?. 
In  the  following  volume  the  operations  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, including  that  of  their  seamen  and  explorers, 
will  be  particularly  taken  up.  But  in  the  foregoing 
we  have  seen  that  of  all  the  European  nations  who 
had  had  the  opportunity  to  acquire  Oregon,  Eng- 
land had,  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century,  out- 
stripped them  all,  and  by  the  careful  examinations  of 
Vancouver  laid  a  foundation  for  any  explorations  or 
settlements  that  she  might  desire  to  make.  This  was 
accomplished  chiefly  by  the  British  crown.  The 
epoch-making  voyage  of  Cook  and  the  examinations 
and  surveys  of  Vancouver  were  the  acts  of  the  king, 
and  opened  the  way  for  his  subjects  to  undertake 
enterprise  without  fear  or  danger  anywhere  on  the 


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AN   AMERICAN   STATE  367 

Northwest  Pacific  Coast.  By  these  discoveries  aud 
the  Nootka  convention  the  coast  line  from  California 
on  the  south— whatever  might  prove  the  most  north- 
ern Spanish  settlements—to  the  Russian  posses- 
sions on  the  north,  which  were  at  least  above  Queen 
Charlotte's  Island,  became  practically  free  to  the 
English. 

This  result  could  be  called  due  to  no  other  factor 
than  the  foresight  and  determination  of  the  British 
Government,  and  the  energy  and  enterprise  of  the 
English  navigators. 


APPENDIX 

Authors     and     Books     Relating     to    the     Period 
Treated   in   Volume   I,   with   Comments 

As  the  periods  treated  in  the  successive  volumes  of  this  history 
may  be,  and  indeed  should  be,  studied  in  an  independent  way  by 
many  of  the  readers,  it  is  thought  advisable  to  insert  here  a  short 
summary  of  the  books  bearing  upon  the  events  traced.  These  may 
in  the  most  of  cases  be  found  in  libraries  upon  this  coast. 

BRINTON,   Daniel   G.,   of  the  University  of   Pennsylvania.     Dr. 
Brinton's  work,  "  Myths  of  the  New  World,"   1896,  David  McKay, 
Philadelphia,  presents  no  new  details  as  to  myths  or  ethnological 
data  of  the  Oregon  Indians.     His  classification  of  the  Indians,  from 
northward   to    southward,    as   the   Eskimo,    Athapascans,    Iroquois, 
Algonquins,    Dakotas,    Chatah-Muskokis,    and    Uto-Aztecs,    probably 
represents  present  ethnological  ideas,  although  why  the  natives  of 
this  coast  should  be  called  by  a  tribe  around  a  lake  in  Canada,  does 
not  appear;    nor   is   it  at  all  probable  that  the  diverse  tribes  in 
Oregon   have   any   closer   affinity   with   the   Athapascans   than   with 
other  natives  of  North  America.     Nor  can  it  be  admitted  that  the 
highly  astute  and  dignified  Sahaptins  or  acute  Chinooks  have  anything 
particular  in  common  with  the  native  whose  skull  Virchow  pronounced 
of  "  the  lowest  type  of  humanity."     He  adduces  an  interesting  com- 
parison of  the  names  of  God,  or  rather  of  "  The  Spiritual  Element," 
"  Medicine,"   showing  the   unity    of   all   the   American   tribes : — The 
word  being  in  Algonquin,  Manito;    and  oki;    in  Iroquois,  Atkanj    in 
Ilidatsa,  hopa;    in  Dakota,  Wakan;    in  Aztec,  Teotl;    in  Quinchua, 
Huac;    and  in  Maya,  Ku.     The  close  affinity  of  the  Oregon  Indians 
with  what  he  considers  these  superior  tribes  is  shown  in  the  same 
word,  being   Tomaniwus  in  Chinook,  and    Tewat   in  Nez  Perce.     To- 
maniwus  is  instantly  seen  to  be  almost  identical  with  Manito.     The 
Algonquin  idea  of  Thunder,  as  the  flapping  of  a  great  bird's  wings, 
though  among  the  Dakotas  the  lightning  was  conceived  of  as  the 
fire  struck  out  as  buftaloes  struck  fire  from  their  hoofs,   from  flint 
rocks,  is  closely  related  to  the  Chinook  idea.     The  sacred  number  of 
the  Indians  is  stated  by  Brinton  as  Four,  while  among  the  Oregon 
tribes  it  is  Five.    The  Sacred  Animal  of  the  Indians  is  stated  by  him 
as  the  Great  Hare,  while  among  the  Oregon  Indians  it  is  the  Old 
Coyote,  or  by  some  the  Old  Mink,  or  Marten.     Ouragan,  of  interest 

[Vol.  1] 


370  THE    GROWTH   OF 

as  a  word  to  which  the  word  Oregon  has  been  referred,  is  of  Aztec 
origin,  and  from  it  has  been  derived  the  word  hurricane.  It  was 
the  name  of  the  god  of  the  four  winds,  whose  breath  was  creative, 
like  the  Nez  Perce  Allalimya.  The  unity  of  the  Indians  with  the 
rest  of  the  human  species  is  accepted  by  Brinton,  who  quotes  ap- 
provingly from  the  leading  ethnologist,  Waitz: — "Not  only  do  ac- 
knowledged facts  permit  the  assumption  of  the  unity  of  the  human 
species,  but  this  hypothesis  is  attended  with  fewer  difficulties,  and 
has  greater  inner  consistency,  than  the  opposite  one  of  diversity." 
He  also  adds  that  Monogenism  is  accepted  by  the  most  of  anthropolo- 
gists. While  the  Indian  belongs  to  a  gray  antiquity  he  is  still  an 
immigrant  to  America,  and  most  pronouncedly  so  upon  the  develop- 
ment theory,  as  none  of  the  anthropoids  have  been  found  in  America. 

BROWN,  J.  Henry,  "Political  History  of  Oregon."  Wiley  B. 
Allen,  publisher,  Portland,  Ore,  1892.  Lewis  Dryden  &  Co.  print. 
Documents  of  much  interest  touching  the  earliest  discoveries  and 
treaties.  Brown's  history  is  the  best  compendium  of  documents  yet 
collected. 

BOAS,  Dr.  Franz,  "  Chinook  Texts,"  Department  of  Ethnology, 
1896,  Washington,  D.  C.  A  pamphlet  of  great  interest,  though  evi- 
dently prepared  with  haste,  and  not  equal  to  the  larger  work  ol 
Gatchet  on  the  Klamaths.  The  stories  here  related  as  given  by 
Charles  Cultee,  a  Chinook  of  Bay  Centre,  Wash.,  seem  less  pointed 
and  much  less  dramatic  and  humorous  than  some  of  the  same  re- 
lated by  Chinooks  to  the  writer.  Cultee,  moreover,  although  a  very 
intelligent  man,  is  not  the  only  one  who  recalls  the  Indian  Legends — 
Malette,  Talzan,  and  a  number  of  women  knowing  the  same  by 
heart.  The  following,  a  description  of  the  first  ship  seen  by  the 
Clatsops,  is  the  best  description  of  the  event  yet  seen  by  the  author. 
As  well  confirming  the  account  given  by  Mr.  Smith  from  the  recol- 
lections of  his  mother,  Celiast,  this  is  inserted  here  in  full.  This 
will  be  understood  as  having  been  related  to  Dr.  Boas  in  the  original 
old  Chinook,  not  the  jargon;  then  translated  by  Cultee  into  jargon, 
and  from  that  by  Dr.  Boas  into  English.  It  is  the  story  of  the 
wreck  of  Konapee,  as  given  in  the  account  of  Mr.  Smith.     It  says: 

The  son  of  an  old  woman  had  died.  She  wailed  for  a  whole  year, 
and  then  she  stopped.  Now  one  day  she  went  to  Sea  Side.  There 
she  used  to  stop;  and  returned.  She  returned  walking  along  the 
beach.  She  nearly  reached  Clatsop;  now  she  saw  something.  She 
thought  it  was  a  whale.     When  she  came  near  to  it  she  saw  two 


AN    AMERICAN    STATE  371 


spruce  trees  standing  upright  on  it.  She  thought,  "  Behold,  it  is 
no  whale;  it  is  a  monster."  She  reached  the  Thing  that  lay  there. 
Now  she  saw  that  the  outside  was  all  covered  over  with  copper. 
Kopes  were  tied  to  the  spruce  trees,  and  it  was  full  of  iron.  Then 
a  bear  came  out  of  it.  He  stood  on  the  Thing  that  lay  there.  H« 
looked  just  like  a  bear,  but  his  face  was  that  of  a  human  being. 
Then  she  went  home;  now  she  thought  of  her  son,  and  cried,  say- 
ing, "  Oh,  my  son  is  dead,  and  the  Thing  about  which  we  have  heard 
in  the  tales  (Ekanum)  is  on  the  shore."  When  she  nearly  reached 
the  town  she  continued  to  cry.  The  people  said,  "  Oh,  a  person  comes 
crying;    perhaps  somebody  struck  her." 

The  people  made  themselves  ready;  they  took  their  arrows.  An 
old  man  said  '*  Listen !  "  Then  the  people  listened.  Now  she  said 
all  the  time,  "  Oh,  my  son  is  dead,  and  the  Thing  about  which  we 
have  heard  in  the  Ekanum  stories  is  on  the  shore."  The  people 
said,  "  What  may  it  be  ?  "  They  went  running  to  meet  her.  They 
said,  "What  is  it?"  She  answered,  "Oh,  something  lies  there,  and 
it  is  there;    there  are  two  bears  on  it;    perhaps  they  are  people." 

Then  the  people  ran;  they  reached  the  Thing  that  was  there. 
Now  the  two  people  on  the  Thing — people  or  whatever  else  they 
might  be — held  two  copper  kettles  in  their  hands.  The  first  of  the 
two  soon  reached  them;  then  the  other  quickly  arrived.  Now  they 
lifted  their  hands  to  their  mouths  and  gave  the  people  their  kettles; 
the  kettles  had  lids.  The  two  men  pointed  inland,  and  asked  for 
water.  Then  two  of  our  people  ran  inland;  they  hid  behind  a  log. 
They  returned  again  and  ran  to  the  beach.  One  of  our  men  ran  and 
climbed  up,  and  entered  the  Thing;  he  went  down  inside  (into  the 
ship).  He  looked  down  into  the  interior  of  the  ship.  It  was  full 
of  boxes.  He  found  brass  buttons  in  strings  half  a  fathom  long. 
He  went  out  again  to  call  his  relatives,  but  they  had  already  set. 
fire  to  the  ship.  He  jumped  down;  the  two  persons  had  already 
got  down.  It  burnt  just  like  fat.  Tiien  the  Clatsops  got  the  iron, 
the  copper,  and  the  brass.  Then  all  the  people  (the  various  Indian 
tribes)  heard  about  it.  The  two  persons  were  taken  to  the  chief  of 
the  Clatsops.  Then  the  chief  of  one  of  the  towns  said,  "  I  want  to 
keep  one  of  the  men  with  me."  The  people  almost  began  to  fight 
Then  one  of  them  was  taken  to  one  town,  and  the  chief  was  satis 
fied.  Now  the  Quenaiult,  the  Chehales,  the  Cascades,  the  Cowlitz,  and 
the  Klikitat  heard  about  it,  and  they  all  went  to  Clatsop.  Th« 
Quenaiult,  the  Willapa,  and  the  Chehales  went.  The  peopl*"  of  all 
the  towns  went  there.  The  Cascades,  the  Cowlitz,  and  the  Klikitat 
came  down  the  river.    All  those  of  the  upper  part  of  the  river  came- 


372  THE    GROWTH   OF 


down  to  Clatsop.  Strips  of  copper,  two  fingers  wide,  and  going 
around  the  arm,  were  exchanged  for  one  slave  each.  A  piece  of  iron 
as  long  as  half  the  forearm  was  exchanged  for  one  slave.  A  nail 
was  sold  for  a  good  curried  deer  skin.  Several  nails  were  given  for 
long  haiqua  (dentalia).  The  people  bought  this  and  the  Clatsops 
became  rich.  Then  iron  and  brass  were  seen  for  the  first  time.  Now 
tJiey  kept  the  two  persons.  One  was  kept  by  each  chief.  One  was  at 
the  Clatsop  town  of  the  Cape  (Disappointment). 

From  stories  told  in  this  collection  it  appears  that  murder,  canni- 
balism, incest  and  sodomy  were  forbidden. 

GATCHET,  Samuel,  "  Language,  Myths,  and  Lexicon  of  the 
Klamaths  and  Modocs,"  Department  of  Ethnology,  Smithsonian  In- 
stitute, Washington,  1890.  This  is  esteemed  the  most  careful  and 
complete  work  of  the  department  that  has  come  under  the  eye  of 
the  editor.  It  is  quoted  so  freely  in  the  text  as  to  need  no  further 
notice  here. 

FLETCHER,  Miss,  Smithsonian  Publication,  "Indian  Music." 

MALLERY,  Garrick,  "  Picture  Writing  of  North  American  In- 
dians." 

FOPiNANDEK,  "  Polynesian  Races  " — considered  standard. 

COOK,  Voyages  of;  London  edition;  many  abstracts,  or  rescen- 
sions  are  also  in  print. 

SPARKS,  Dr.  Jared,  "Life  of  John  Ledyard";  quoted  freely  in 
the  text. 

VANCOUVER,  Captain  George;  London  Folio  Edition;  very 
handsomely  illustrated.     Journals  and  reports  of  Broughton. 

GREEN:    "History  of  the  English  People";    standard. 

BANCROFT,  Hubert  Howe ;    "  Northwest  Coast." 

LANG,  H.  0.;  "History  of  the  Willamette  Valley,"  Geo.  H. 
Himes,  Portland,  Ore.,  1885.  First  chapters  give  a  fair  abstract  of 
early  history.  Mr.  Lang  was  well  known  as  a  mineralogist  in  this 
State.  In  his  history  he  mentions  and  apparently  credits  the  Span- 
ish story  of  a  man  being  put  ashore  by  Drake  "  in  a  bad  bay  "  at 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  ;373 

the  northern  limit  of  the  voyage — perhaps  in  Oregon;  but  the  man 
thus  turned  out  among  savages,  a  Spaniard,  is  presumed  to  have 
made  his  way  to  Mexico. 

CYCLOPEDIA,  National,  London. 

ENCYCLOPEDIA  Britannica,  American  Edition. 

CYCLOPEDIAS,  American,  Johnson's;    dates,  etc. 

TWISS,  Travers,  D.C.L.,  F.R.S.,  Prof.  Political  Economy,  Eng- 
land, Oxford,  Eng.  "  The  Oregon  Question,"  examined  in  respect  to 
facts  and  the  law  of  nations,  I-ondon,  1846.  This  was  the  best,  and 
still  the  classic,  work  of  the  English  press  to  sustain  before  the 
public  the  claims  of  the  British  Government.  It  is  set  forth  espe» 
cially  to  refute  the  claims  of  the  American  classic  by  Greenhow, 
and  being  clearly  and  ably  written,  superior  indeed  in  style  to 
Greenhow,  will  be  especially  noticed  here  as  giving  verification  to 
many  incidents  that  an  author  in  Oregon  cannot  verify  from  original 
documents.     An  abstract  of  the  book  will  therefore  be  given  here. 

Object — To  forward  a  peaceable  settlement  of  the  Question. 

Territory  concerned: — Region  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  may 
be  divided  into  three  great  districts.  "  The  most  southerly  of  these, 
of  which  the  northern  boundary  line  was  drawn  along  the  parallel 
of  42  degrees  by  the  treaty  of  Washington  with  Spain  in  1819,  be- 
longs to  the  United  States  of  Mexico.  The  most  northerly,  com- 
mencing at  Behring  Straits,  and  of  which  the  extreme  southern 
limit  was  fixed  at  the  southern  point  of  Prince  of  Wales  Island,  in 
the  parallel  of  54  degrees,  40  minutes,  by  treaties  concluded  be- 
tween Russia  and  the  United  States  of  America  in  1824,  and  be- 
tween Russia  and  Great  Britain  in  1825,  forms  a  part  of  the  do- 
minion of  Russia;  whilst  the  intermediate  country  is  not  as  yet 
under  the  acknowledged  sovereignty  of  any  power."  This  he  reck- 
oned as  about  500,000  squares  miles  in  area,  and  was  called  New 
Albion,  New  Georgia,  or  the  northern  part  New  Caledonia,  by  the 
English,  Northern  Part  of  California  by  the  Spanish ;  and  popularly 
Oregon.  The  name  Oregon  he  attributes  to  Jonathan  Carver,  of 
Connecticut,  a  British  subject,  who  set  out  from  Boston  in  1766, 
and  published  his  book  in  London,  1778;  and  to  whom  he  gives 
much  more  credit  than  is  allowed  by  Greenhow.  The  name  "  Co- 
lumbia "  to  Gray's  ship,  "  which  first  succeeded  in  passing  the  bar  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Columbia."     Oregon,  he  states,  remained  unknown 


374  THE    GROWTH   OF 

until  Captain  James  King,  on  liis  return  from  the  voyage  that 
proved  fatal  to  Cook,  made  known  the  high  prices  which  the  fur3 
of  the  sea  otter  commanded  in  the  markets  of  China — omitting  men- 
tion of  Ledyard's  account  published  in  America.  From  King's  pub- 
lications he  dates  the  fur  trade  on  the  northwest  coast,  1786.  At- 
tempts of  Spain  to  suppress  this  trade  in  1789  led  to  the  Convention 
of  the  Escurial  in  1790,  and  to  Vancouver's  voyage  and  discoveries 
in  1791-2. 

Abstract  of  voyages  of  discovery  as  given  by  Twiss: 

1500,  Caspar  de  Cortereal,  Portuguese,  reported  Straits  of  Ania. 

1598,  Voyage  of  Francisco  Galli. 

lo98,  Viscaino;  Aguilar's  river. 

1592,  pretended  discoveries  of  Juan  de  Fuca,  which  is  no  doubt 
rightly  considered  fictitious  by  Twiss. 

1539,  Ulloa. 

1542,  Cabrillo;    Ferrelo  reached  41  degrees,  or  43  degrees. 

1577-79,  Sir  Francis  Drake,  whose  reported  limit  of  48  degrees,  in- 
stead of  43  degrees,  as  claimed  by  Greenhow,  is  defended.  Twiss, 
here,  from  not  knowing  the  climate  of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  think' 
ing  that  this  coast  was  subject  to  the  blizzards  of  Texas,  finds  no 
great  improbability  in  the  cold  that  in  June  froze  stiff  the  ropes 
and  sails  of  Drake's  vessel.  He  inserts  the  account  of  Fletcher  of 
the  appearance  of  the  shore :  "  From  the  height  of  48  degrees,  in 
which  we  were,  to  38  degrees,  we  found  the  land,  by  coasting  along 
it,  to  be  but  low  and  reasonable  plain;  every  hill  (whereof  we 
saw  many,  but  none  very  high ) ,  though  it  were  June,  and  the  sun 
in  his  nearest  approach  to  them,  being  covered  with  snow."  This 
description — unless  we  allow  a  surprising  misapprehension  of  the 
character  of  the  coast — would  indicate  that  it  was  not  seen  by  Drake. 

1741,  Bering  and  Tchirikof. 

1774,  Perez. 

1775,  Heceta  and  Bodega. 

1776,  Cook. 
1783,  Russians. 

1787,  Russians  see  St.  Elias. 

1785-6,  English  under  Portuguese  flag. 

1785-6,  English  East  India  Co. 

17S5-6,  La  Perouse. 

1785-6,  King  George  Sound  Co. 

1785-6,  Meares  and  Tipping. 

1787,  Duncan  and  Colnett.  ' 

1787,  Barclay  discovers  Straits  of  Fuca. 


AN   AMERICAN   STATE  375 

Twiss  defends  the  contention  of  Vancouver,  that  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia  was  twenty-five  miles  from  the  bar,  and  the  course  below 
this  was  but  a  bay;  cites  Mackensie's  trip  as  the  first  by  white 
men  across  the  continent,  and  the  settlement  of  the  Northwesters 
in  1806  as  the  first  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  north  of  Cali- 
fornia. He  cites  the  survey  of  David  Thompson  in  1811  as  the 
first  navigation  of  the  northern  branch  of  the  Columbia.  He  men- 
tions the  Lewis  and  Clark  expedition,  the  organization  of  the  Mis- 
souri Fur  Company  and  fort  west  of  the  Rockies  in  1808,  and  the 
Astor  expedition;  but  omits  notice  of  Winship. 

He  concludes  that  the  proper  line  of  division  is  about  midway 
between  San  Francisco  Bay  and  Prince  Williams  Island,  which  is 
indicated  "  by  nature "  as  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River.  By 
overstating  the  case  he  weakens  what  was  no  doubt  a  tolerably 
strong  claim. 

GREENHOW,  Robert,  Washington,  1846;  "Oregon  and  Califor- 
nia." Greenhow  published  two  works  on  the  Oregon  Question,  the 
latter  being  the  above.  He  was  librarian  in  the  U.  S.  Govern- 
ment Department,  and  his  work  covers  almost  the  entire  case  in 
detail.  He  had  access  to  a  number  of  manuscripts  from  Spain,  and 
although  accused  in  some  instances  of  exaggeration,  or  misquota- 
tion, is  admitted  as  standard  authority;  being  quoted  by  such  his- 
torians as  J.  J.  Anderson.  Making  allowances  for  some  American 
bias,  no  other  ranks  higher.  His  pages  are  very  freely  consulted 
in  the  text  of  this  book,  first  volume. 

WELLS,  Harry  L.;  "Popular  History  of  Oregon,"  David  Steel, 
Portland,  1889.  Early  discovery  noticed  at  considerable  length. 
In  the  apochryphal  story  of  Fonte  it  is  observed  that  at  the  time 
of  the  pretended  voyage  John  Winthrop  was  governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, not  Seymour  Gibbons — the  latter  being  a  name  not  found 
among  any  New  England  governors  or  "  major-generals."  An  ab- 
stract of  the  advance  and  discoveries  of  the  French  west  of  the 
Great  Lakes  is  also  inserted:  1C78,  at  Fort  Du  Luth,  at  western 
end  of  Lake  Superior;  1683,  at  Lake  Pepin;  1700,  at  Mankato; 
1716,  the  French  geographer,  De  L'Isle,  at  Paris,  directed  attention 
to  these  movements  and  urged  further  exploration;  1717,  an  ener- 
getic movement  forward;  1728,  Verendrye  was  directed  by  the 
governor  of  Canada  to  explore  the  Shining  Mountains,  and  reached 
Rainy  Lake  and  Lake  of  the  Woods;    1730,  a  party  of  28  French- 


376  THE    GROWTH   OF 


men  were  massacred  by  Indians;  1742,  two  sons  of  the  chevalier 
penetrated  the  Missouri  Valley,  discovered  the  falls,  and  crossed 
the  range  to  Wind  River,  but  finding  that  no  valuable  metals,  but 
naked  rocks  or  snow  made  the  mountains  shine,  or  gleam,  named 
them  the  "  Stony  Mountains "  ;  1744,  same  party  explored  the 
Saskatchewan  River,  and  reported  this  as  the  more  favorable  route 
west,  and  not  liable  to  bring  the  French  into  collision  with  the 
Spanish,  who  held  northern  California. 

WRIGHT,  E.  W.,  "Marine  History  of  Pacific  Northwest";  Lewia 
and  Dryden,  Portland,  1895;  handsomely  illustrated  and  furnish- 
ing good  accounts  of  early  discovery,  as  well  as  much  valuable 
later  material. 

PARKMAN,  Francis ;  the  well-known  standard  works  giving  in  de- 
tail the  immense  labors  of  the  French  to  establish  a  new  feudal  em- 
pire, and  its  gradual  supersession  by  the  English,  the  reason  of  which 
is  summed  by  this  historian  in  a  sentence: — "Here,  In  brief,  is  the 
whole  spirit  of  the  French  Colonial  rule  in  Canada — a  government, 
as  I  have  elsewhere  shown,  of  excellent  intentions,  but  of  arbitrary 
methods."  "  Pioneers  of  New  France,"  "  The  Jesuits  in  America," 
"  La  Salle,  and  Discovery  of  the  Great  West,"  "  Frontenac  and 
Pioneers  of  New  France,"  "  Wolfe  and  Montcalm,"  and  "  Half  Cen- 
tury of  Conflict"  are  the  principal  volumes  of  this  series.  Park- 
man  is  popular  rather  than  profound  in  his  treatment,  and  pic- 
turesque rather  than  sympathetic.  He  cannot  embody  the  entire 
series  of  human  interests  in  enterprises  of  trade  or  conquest,  or  of 
a  national  and  restricted  religious  enterprise. 

FISKE,  Dr.  John,  Harvard  University;  Lecture  at  Astoria,  Ore., 
May  12;  "Centennial  Celebration  of  Discovery  of  the  Columbia 
River."  Dr.  Fiske  calls  attention  to  the  conceptions  of  Europeans  in 
regard  to  North  America,  as  shown  by  the  French  map  of  De  L'Isle, 
showing  the  greater  part  of  Oregon,  Washington,  Idaho,  Montana, 
and  other  portions  adjoining,  as  an  immense  inland  sea,  with  two 
narrow  straits  between  latitude  40  and  50,  connecting  with  Pa- 
cific Ocean;  and  farther  north  a  chain  of  lakes  and  straits  con- 
necting with  Hudson's  Bay,  1752;  and  the  English  map  of  Jeffrey, 
1768,  showing  the  Straits  of  Fuca  in  latitude  48  degrees,  and  North 
America  eastward  as  a  series  of  archipelagoes  to  Hudson's  Bay.  He 
mentions  as  conspicuous  events  the  voyage  of  Drake,  1579;    of  Vitus 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  377 

Bering,  1728,  and  discovery  of  Mt.  St.  Elias,  1741;  voyage  of  Perez 
in  1773,  and  of  Bodega  and  Heceta  in  1775;  Cook  in  1778,  and 
Meares  in  1788;  and  of  Kendrick  and  Gray  in  1790.  He  also  states 
that  in  1791-2  there  were  as  many  as  30  trading  vessels  on  the 
Northwest  Coast. 

GIBBS,  George,  "  The  Chinook  Language."  A  miscellaneous  docu- 
ment by  the  Smithsonian  Institute,  Washington,  in  1864,  contains 
the  following  classification  of  words,  according  to  their  origin:  Chi- 
nook, 200;  Chinook  mixed  with  others,  21;  interjections  common 
to  a  number  of  Indian  languages,  8;  Nootkan,  24;  Chehalis,  32; 
Klikitat,  2 ;  Cree,  2 ;  Chippeway,  1 ;  Wasco,  4 ;  Kalapuya,  4 ; 
direct  onomatopoeia  (imitation  of  natural  sound),  undetermined 
Indian  origin,  18;  French,  90;  Canadian,  4;  English,  67. 

This  settles  that  the  Chinook  word  for  five,  "  Quinam,  or  Quunam," 
is  not  of  Spanish  origin,  or  any  derivation  of  the  Latin  quinque; 
and  Hale  also  says  that  the  Chinook  jargon  numerals  are  pure 
Indian. 

The  Kanaka  utterance  is  so  foreign  to  the  Indian  ear  says  Gibbs, 
that  although  these  islanders  were  mingled  with  them  many  years, 
not  a  word  from  their  language  has  been  adopted  into  the  jargon. 

The  numeral  six  Gibbs  finds  common  to  a  number  of  Indian  lan- 
guages, being  in  Chinook  Takhum;  in  Cowlitz,  Tuckum;  in  Kwant- 
ian,  Tuckum;  and  in  Selish,  Tacken. 

The  Selish  people  include  the  Cowlitz,  Kwantlan,  Chehalis,  and 
Nisqually,  as  well  as  the  Chinooks,  the  Sahaptins,  the  Yakimas, 
Klikitats,  Nez  Perces,  and  the  allied  tribes.  The  Nootkans,  Makahs, 
and  Belbella  tribes  are  closely  allied. — from  George  Gibbs. 

HALE,  Horatio,  "  Chinook  Language,"  published  in  1890.  ]VIi-. 
Hale  came  first  to  Oregon,  in  1841,  as  an  attache  of  the  Wilkes' 
Expedition.  He  then  found  about  250  words  in  the  jargon:  "Of 
these  18  were  Nootkan,  41  English,  34  French,  3  Chinook,  10  by 
onomatopoeia,  and  38  doubtful  Chinook  or  Nootkan.  The  pro- 
nouns and  numerals  are  Chinook."  These  latter  are:  Ikt,  Mox, 
Klone,  Laket,  Kwinnum  (quinam),  Tayhum,  or  tahkum;  Sinomox, 
Stotekin,  Kwoist,  and  Tahtelum. 

The  letters  D,  F,  G,  B,  V,  and  Z  of  the  English  and  French  be- 
come in  Chinook,  respectively,  T,  P,  K,  L,  W,  and  S.  He  says  of 
the  Chinooks,  "  they  were  quick  in  catching  sounds."  He  gives  a 
specimen  of  a  Chinook  song  which  is  certainly  pathetic.     It  is  ad- 


378  THE    GROWTH    OF 

dressed  to  a  husband  in  California  by  a  wife  left  alone  with  her 
baby,  and  both  suffering  for  food: 

Kah  Mika  klatawa?  Where  have  you  gone? 

Kah  Mika  klatawa?  Where  have  you  gone? 

Konoway  sun  All  the  day  long 

Hyu  k'ly,  I  am  crying, 

Annawillee.  Your  Annawillee. 

Oh,  nika  tenas  Oh,  my  little  one 

Hyas  klawyum!  How  wretched  he  is! 

Hyu  k'ly,  He  cries  very  much, 

Nika  tenas.  My  little  baby. 

Konoway  halo  All  away  gone  is 

Nesika  muckamuck;  The  food  tliat  we  had; 

Wake  siah  mime  loose.  Not  long  hence  will  die  now, 

Nika  tenas.  My  little  baby. 

Of  the  Indian  languages  Hale  says :  "  A  surprising  number  of 
distinct  languages  were  found  to  exist  in  the  limited  area  of  Ore- 
gon proper.  Twelve  of  the  languages  were  distinct;  not  in  the 
sense  in  which  Spanish  differs  from  Italian,  but  in  the  sense  in 
which  the  Hebrew  differs  from  the  English;  that  is,  they  belonged 
to  separate  linguistic  stocks,  utterly  dissimilar  in  words  and  in 
grammar." — An  opinion  wholly  contrary  to  that  of  Brinton,  and 
unwarranted  so  far  as  appears  to  the  writer. 

Note,  To  (tI'^LLIVER. — As  an  exceedingly  amusing  burlesque  of 
the  tedious,  but  to  a  wit  like  Swift,  very  diverting  style  of  the  old 
navigators,  in  which  all  the  details  were  entered  with  equal  im- 
portance, the  following  description  of  the  voyage  and  storm  that 
brought  Dr.  Gulliver  into  the  northern  Pacific,  may  be  inserted. 
His  narration  is :  ''  An  active  and  restless  life  having  been  as- 
signed me  by  nature  and  fortune,  in  two  months  after  my  return 
I  again  left  my  native  country,  and  took  shipping  in  the  Downs 
on  the  20th  of  June,  1702,  in  the  '  Adventure,'  Captain  John  Nicho- 
las, a  Cornishman,  commander,  bound  for  Surat.  We  had  a  very 
prosperous  gale  till  we  arrived  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  where 
we  landed  for  fresh  water;  but  discovering  a  leak  we  unshipped 
our  goods  and  wintered  there;  for  the  captain  falling  sick  of  an 
ague,  we  could  not  leave  the  cape  until   the  end  of  March.     We 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  379 

then  set  sail  and  had  a  good  voyage  until  we  passed  Madagascar; 
but  having  got  just  north  of  that  island,  and  about  five  degrees  of 
south  latitude,  the  winds,  which  in  those  latitudes  are  observed  to 
blow  a  constant  equal  gale  between  the  north  and  the  south  from 
the  beginning  of  December  to  the  beginning  of  May,  on  the  19th 
of  April  began  to  blow  with  much  greater  violence  and  more  westerly 
than  usual,  continuing  so  for  twenty  days  together,  during  which 
time  we  were  driven  a  little  east  of  the  Moulucca  Islands,  and  about 
three  degrees  northward  of  the  line,  as  our  captain  found  by  an 
observation  he  took  the  2d  of  May,  at  which  time  the  wind  ceased 
and  it  was  a  perfect  calm ;    whereat  I  was  not  a  little  rejoiced. 

"  But  he  being  a  man  well  experienced  in  the  navigation  of  those 
seas,  bid  us  all  prepare  against  a  storm,  which  accordingly  hap- 
pened on  the  following  day;  for  the  northern  wind,  called  the 
southern  monsoon,  began  to  set  in."  Then  follows  the  noted  de- 
scription :  "  Finding  it  likely  to  overblow  we  took  in  our  sprit  sail, 
and  stood  by  to  hand  the  foresail;  but,  making  foul  weather,  we 
looked  if  the  guns  were  all  fast,  and  handed  the  mizzen.  The  ship 
lay  very  broad  off,  so  we  thought  it  better  spooning  before  the  sea 
than  trying,  or  hulling.  We  reefed  the  foresail  and  set  him,  and 
hauled  aft  the  fore  sheet;  the  helm  was  hard  a-weather.  The  ship 
wore  bravely;  we  belayed  the  fore  down  haul,"  etc.,  etc.,  with  many 
terms  which  are  laughable  imitations  of  the  sailors'  jargon. 

After  the  storm  the  lands  to  which  he  was  finally  driven  are 
located.  "  During  the  storm,  which  was  followed  by  a  strong  wind, 
W.S.W.,  we  were  carried  by  my  computation  about  500  leagues  to 
the  east.  .  .  .  We  thought  best  to  hold  on  to  our  course  than 
turn  more  northerly,  which  might  have  brought  us  into  the  north- 
west part  of  Great  Tartary,  and  into  the  Frozen  Sea.  On  the  16th 
day  of  June,  1703,  a  boy  on  the  topmast  discovered  land.  On  the 
17th  we  came  in  view  of  a  great  island,  or  continent."  This  con- 
tinent was,  according  to  the  course,  no  other  than  the  regions  north 
of  New  Albion.  This  was  the  land  of  Brobdignag,  and  the  first 
thing  that  he  noticed  was  the  immense  size  of  the  grass,  and  tree.s 
so  lofty  that  he  '  could  make  no  computation  of  their  altitude.' " 
So  even  from  the  first  Oregon  got  a  reputation  for  great  vegeta- 
tion;   and  big  things,  including  big  stories — generally. 

HOOD,  Samuel,  1st  Viscount,  1724-1816;  son  of  a  rector  of 
Somersetshire;  entered  navy  at  16,  promoted  to  lieutenant  at  22; 
commander  at  30;  twice  captured  a  French  vessel  equal  size  to  his 
own;    with   Rodney   in   West   Indies,    1780,   and  fought  against  De 


380  THE   GROWTH   OP 

Grass;  for  distinguished  services  was  made  a  peer  of  Ireland,  as 
Baron  Hood  of  Catherington ;  fought  during  war  of  1793  and  the 
Napoleonic  wars;  1796  was  made  a  peer  of  England,  as  Viscount 
Hood  of  Whitley.  Was  a  thorough  seaman,  though  not  ranking  with 
first  British  commanders,  as  Blake  or  Nelson. 

RANIER,  or  Regnier,  Peter,  1741-1808;  of  a  Huguenot  family 
that  came  to  England  after  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes; 
entered  navy  at  15;  served  at  reduction  of  Manila,  and  entered 
service  of  the  East  India  Company;  re-entered  the  British  navy; 
became  lieutenant  in  1774,  and  next  year  captured  an  American 
privateer;  in  1777  was  commander  of  ship  "Ostrich";  promoted 
and  given  command  in  East  Indies;  engaged  in  the  war  in  India, 
and  in  1796  took  possession  of  Amboyna  and  Banda  Neiro;  being 
made  very  rich  by  his  share  of  the  booty,  left  one-tenth  of  his  large 
estate — valued  at  $1,000,000 — to  apply  on  payment  of  national 
debt. 

FITZHERBERT,  Alleyne,  Baron  St.  Helens,  1753-1839;  son  of  & 
member  from  Derbyshire;  entered  Cambridge  as  a  boy,  showing, 
abilities  which  attracted  the  attention  of  the  poet  Gray;  after 
graduation  took  up  diplomacy  and  foreign  residence;  negotiated 
treaties  of  peace  with  France  and  Spain  after  the  American  Revo- 
lution; envoy  to  Russia  in  1787,  and  in  1791  was  ambassador  to 
Spain  to  conclude  the  Nootka  Convention,  or  of  the  EscuriaL 
Raised  to  Irish  peerage  as  Baron  St.  Helens. 

TOWNSHEND,  IVth  Viscount,  and  1st  Marquis;  served  with 
Wolfe  in  Canada;  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland  in  1767;  bore  a 
conspicuous  part  in  Imperial  enterprises;  not  highly  estimated  by 
Lecky,  1724-1807. 

VANCOUVER,  George,-  1758-1798;  entered  navy  at  13;  able  sea. 
man  on  Cook's  second  voyage;  served  with  Rodney  in  the  West 
Indies;  in  1789  detailed  vdth  Captain  Roberts  to  South  Sea,  but 
commission  changed  to  Northwest  Coast  with  ship  "  Discovery " 
bought  for  the  purpose  and  fitted  by  himself;  discipline  was  harsh j; 
flogged  Lord  Campelford  three  times. 

WILSON.  Rev.  Joseph  R.,  Portland,  Ore.;  "The  Oregon  Question," 
begun    in    the    June,     1900,     number     of    the    Oregon     Historical 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  381 

Quarterly,  extending  through  two  numbers;  undoubtedly  the  best 
monograph  upon  a  single  feature  of  Oregon  history  that  has  yet 
Appeared. 

WINSOR,  Justin,  librarian  of  Harvard  University,  "  Narrative  and 
Critical  History  of  the  United  States,"  Houghton,  MiiHin  &  Co., 
New  York,  18S9.  The  most  complete  collection  and  affording 
the  most  satisfactory  critical  notes  and  bibliography  of  any  work 
before  the  public.  The  chapter  on  Early  Discovery  of  the  North- 
west Coast,  with  maps  and  illustrations,  is  very  complete;  also  the 
diapter  on  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  that  on  the  struggle  for 
the  supremacy  in  the  old  Northwest  Territory,  Ohio  and  the  country 
west  of  the  Mississippi. 

In  the  first  volume  of  "  History  of  the  Northwest  Coast,"  pages 
600-605,  by  Hubert  Howe  Bancroft,  an  extended  and  complaisant 
acjcoimt  is  given  of  the  journey  of  Moncachtabe,  rendered  by  him 
as  two  words,  Moncacht  Ape.  He  says: — "After  questioning  the 
narrator  closely  Le  Page  du  Pratz  asserts  his  belief  in  the  story; 
and  indeed  I  see  no  reason  to  doubt  it.  The  mountains,  the  river, 
and  the  sea  are  there  to-day  as  Moncacht  Ape  described  them." 
But  examination  of  the  account  of  this  Yazoo  Indian  shows  that 
certainly  the  river  and  the  sea  coast,  and  hardly  the  mountains 
described  by  him,  or  by  Du  Pratz  for  him,  bear  any  close  resem- 
blance to  the  Columbia,  or  our  seashore. 

The  story  seems  to  us  more  as  one  of  those  interesting  and  valu- 
able myths,  belonging  with  those  of  Fonte,  Maldonado,  and  Juan  de 
Fuea,  than  as  a  reliable  account;  but  still  valuable  as  showing  the 
conceptions  of  the  Northwest  Coast  and  rivers.  Condensed  from 
Bancroft's  account  it  is  as  follows:  Not  later  than  1745  Moncacht 
Ape  crossed  the  Mississippi,  and  spent  the  winter  with  the  Mis- 
souris.  .  .  .  There  he  learned  the  language  of  the  Kansas,  the 
people  above.  .  .  .  They  directed  him  to  continue  his  course  up 
the  great  river  of  the  Missouri  for  one  moon,  when  he  could  reach 
certain  mountains,  exceedingly  high  and  beset  mth  dangers.  Then 
be  should  turn  to  the  right  and  proceed  directly  north,  and  after 
several  days'  march  he  should  come  to  a  river  flowing  toward  the 
west.  This  was  called  The  Beautiful  River,  and  it  flowed  into  the 
great  western  ocean.  "  I  ascended  the  river  for  one  month,"  con- 
tinues Moncacht  Ape,  "  and  although  I  had  gone  so  far  I  did  not 
turn  to  the  right,  as  they  had  directed  me,  because  for  some  days 
past  I  had  seen  many  mountains  which  I  dare  not  cross  for  fear 


382  THE    GROWTH   OF 

of  blistering  ray  feet."  .  .  .  Finding  opportunely  the  tribe  of 
Indians  called  Otters,  to  whom  he  had  been  directed  by  the  Kansas, 
he  went  with  them  on  their  return  to  their  own  country,  westward, 
and  says :  "  We  ascended  the  Missouri  for  nine  short  days,  when  we 
turned  directly  to  the  north,  and  marched  five  days,  at  the  end  of 
which  time  we  came  upon  a  river  of  beautiful  clear  water,  called 
for  this  reason  The  Beautiful  River."  His  companions  plunged  in 
for  a  bath,  but  the  Yazoo  feared  "  crocodiles,"  until  being  assured 
there  were  no  alligators  in  this  water,  he  also  bathed.  Then  the 
Otters  going  west  he  accompanied  them,  "  floatingly  delightfully 
with  the  stream  for  18  days,  stopping  now  and  then  to  hunt."  His 
friends,  the  Otters,  then  reached  their  village.  Moncacht  Ape  de- 
sired to  go  forward,  but  was  persuaded  to  go  no  farther  that  sea- 
son, "  because  the  heat  was  great,  the  grass  high,  and  the  snakes 
to  the  hunter  dangerous."  Moreover  it  was  necessary  to  learn  the 
language  of  the  people  below,  "  for  it  so  happened,"  he  says,  "  that 
with  this  knowledge  I  should  be  able  to  understand  all  the  nations 
which  I  should  find,  even  to  the  great  water  to  the  west." 

The  next  season  he  set  forth  in  a  canoe  Avell  laden  with  pemmican, 
and  as  he  continues,  "  I  soon  arrived  at  a  small  village,  whose  people 
were  astonished  to  see  me  come  alone.  This  nation  wear  the  hair 
long,  and  regard  all  who  wear  it  short  as  slaves."  He  found  scant 
welcome  until  he  started  to  go  and  proclaimed,  "  I  was  charged 
by  Salt  Tears  to  see  the  Great  Roebuck."  At  this  talismanic  sen- 
tence there  came  out  an  old  chief,  now  blind,  and  the  father  of 
the  chief  first  seen,  who  declared  that  he  was  the  Great  Roebuck; 
and  the  traveler's  welcome  was  then  made  good;  the  people  being 
astonished  also  that  he  could  speak  their  language.  As  he  was  to 
go  on,  he  was  given  food,  one  article  of  which  was  made  from  a 
grain  smaller  than  a  French  pea ;    these  people  having  no  maize. 

Then  passing  on  rapidly  he  came  to  within  one  day's  march  of 
the  Great  Water,  but  found  the  people  in  hiding,  from  fear  of 
"  white  bearded  men,  who  came  every  year  in  a  bark  for  a  stinking 
yellow  wood,  and  to  steal  the  young  women  for  slaves."  The  peo- 
ple were  fast  destroying  the  odorous  wood,  so  as  to  take  away  the 
attraction  that  brought  the  white  men.  Moncacht  Ape  was  be- 
sought, seeing  he  came  from  a  far  country  and  knew  white  men, 
to  go  with  the  tribe,  and  ward  off  the  white  men,  when  they  should 
come;  and  he  agreed  to  do  so,  thinking  they  could  be  neither 
French,  English,  nor  Spanish. 

"  Leaving  their  camp  near  The  Beautiful  River  the  warriors 
journeyed  five  daj-s  to  a  point  on  the  coast  where  were  two  great 


AN   AMERICAN    STATE  383 

rocks,  between  which  emptied  into  the  sea  a  shallow  stream,  on 
whose  banks  grew  the  yellow  wood.  It  was  between  the  two  rocks 
tliat  the  foreigners  ran  their  vessel  when  they  came  ashore."  The 
warriors  waited  seventeen  days,  when  a  vessel  came,  and  after 
four  days,  when  the  strangers  had  sent  thirty  men  ashore,  who  were 
scattered  through  the  forest  gathering  the  wood,  fell  upon  them, 
killing  eleven,  and  driving  the  rest  back  to  the  ship.  But  two  of 
those  killed  had  guns,  with  powder  and  ball.  "  The  bodies  "  which 
Moncacht  Ape  then  examined  with  care,  "  were  thick,  short,  and 
very  white;  the  head  was  heavy,  the  hair  short,  and  instead  of 
hats  they  wore  cloth  wound  around  the  head."  Their  clothing  was 
neither  of  wool  nor  bark  but  more  like  old  cotton  as  worn  anciently 
by  Europeans.     The  clothing  for  the  leg  and  foot  was  all  one  piece. 

After  having  assisted  in  destroying  the  obnoxious  strangers  Mon- 
cacht Ape  went  with  a  tribe  that  had  come  from  the  North  to  their 
village,  but  reaching  this  was  dissuaded  from  going  further,  as  the 
old  men  told  him  that  the  country  beyond  was  "  cold,  barren, 
and  tenantless  " ;  and  he  thereupon  returned  to  his  own  people,  the 
Yazoos,  near  Natchez,  having  been  gone  about  five  years.  He  was 
there  an  esteemed  old  man,  called  the  interpreter,  from  knowing 
many  languages,  when  D\i  I'ratz  saw  him. 

Almost  every  important  item  in  the  above  shows  that  it  was 
fiction,  and  shows  no  correspondence  with  what  a  traveler  would 
find  reaching  the  Columbia.  Not  over  five  hundred  miles  up  the 
Missouri  from  the  Kansas  he  found  high  and  difiicult  mountains 
to  the  right  of  the  river — where  are  now  the  prairies  of  South 
Dakota.  After  "  nine  short  days  "  up  the  Missouri,  which  certainly 
would  not  bring  him  and  his  Otter  friends  above  some  point  in 
North  Dakota,  the  party  turned  directly  north  and  came  to  The 
Beautiful  River  flowing  west.  This  could  not  possibly  be  less  than 
five  hundred  miles  east  of  any  water  of  the  Columbia.  Besides  that 
no  mention  is  made  of  crossing  any  mountains;  and  still  further 
The  Beautiful  River  was  said  to  flow  rather  northwest;  whereas 
any  branch  of  the  Columbia  found  by  this  route  would  flow  south, 
or  southwest.  Besides  this  the  river  as  described  answers  not  the 
least  to  the  Columbia,  of  which  it  could  not  be  said,  broken  and 
difficult  as  it  is  for  navigation,  that  a  canoe  on  it  could  be  "  float- 
ing delightfully  for  IS  days."  Nor  again  would  it  be  said  of  any 
part  of  the  Columbia  that  a  traveler  would  stop  on  account  of  the 
heat,  or  that  the  grass  would  be  so  tall  as  to  hinder  the  hunter,  or 
snakes  stop  him.  The  whole  scene,  both  of  the  location,  the  course 
and  the  character  of  The  Beautiful  River,  is  not  from  the  Columbia, 


384  GROWTH  OF  AN  AMERICAN  STATE 

but  the  imaginaiy  stream  to  the  north,  that  flowed  westward  paral- 
lel to  the  Missouri  flowing  east,  and  that  went  north  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  which  here  broke  down  to  the  Northwest  Passage,  and 
the  Straits  of  Anian ;  just  as  Carver  imagined  it.  The  same  may 
be  said  of  the  further  adventures.  The  Great  Roebuck,  the  Indians 
whose  heads  are  not  mentioned  as  flattened,  the  strangers  that  came 
to  gather  odorous  wood,  and  who  were  short  and  thick,  strangely 
dressed,  but  still  very  white,  and  wore  beards,  and  who  cannot  there- 
fore he  identified  with  either  Japanese,  Russians,  or  Aleuts,  are  all 
evidently  fictions,  and  might  very  well  be  styled  "  ornamentations,'" 
by  Greenhow.  The  only  possible  "  yellow  stinking  wood  "  that  any 
strangers  would  gather  would  be  the  Port  Orford  cedar,  which  is  so 
far  out  of  the  reach  of  any  tribes  on  the  Columbia  as  to  cause  them 
no  trouble  however  much  of  it  was  taken.  The  shallow  entrance  be- 
tween two  high  rocks  has  no  correspondence  with  any  point  here; 
nor — though  the  yellow  stinking  wood — certainly  not  red  cedar — was 
south  of  the  Columbia,  and  Moncachtabe  went  north,  with  the  tribe, 
could  it  be  said  of  any  part  of  the  coast,  even  up  to  Bering's  Straits, 
it  "  was  cold,  barren,  and  tenantless." 

The  probability  is  that  this  Indian  Moncachtabe  had  actually  met 
with  Flathead  or  Nez  Perce  Indians  on  the  upper  Missouri,  and  had 
learned  from  them  of  the  ocean,  the  tides,  and  the  white  men  with 
beards,  and  the  Columbia  River.  But  having  never  seen  any  of 
these  was  left  to  conjecture  the  looks  of  the  river,  the  lower  course 
of  which  he  calculated  was  much  like  that  of  the  Mississippi — long, 
placid,  with  deep  grass  occupied  with  snakes  on  the  shore,  and  a 
sultry  summer;  but  no  alligators.  Conjecturing  why  the  whites 
should  come,  and  nothing  striking  the  Indians  more  than  the  desire 
of  ships  for  wood  and  water,  which  according  to  their  ideas  of  right 
the  whites  came  and  stole,  he  supposed  it  was  sandal  or  some  other 
incense  wood  that  brought  them;  and  his  own  exploit  in  killing 
them — being  careful  to  show  that  they  were  neither  English,  French, 
nor  Spanish,  and  although  white,  to  describe  them  so  as  not  to  be 
mistaken — would  follow  as  a  matter  of  course.  Some  basis  of  fact, 
but  mostly  imagination,  and  himself  never  west  of  the  Rockies. 


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